France: MFRR condemns new resurgence of police violence against…

France: MFRR condemn new resurgence of police violence against journalists

At least six journalists have been injured since early September while covering the protests against the 2026 national budget plan. The Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) partners condemn the deliberate violence by law enforcement officers and call once again on the French authorities to protect and recognise the work of journalists as essential during protests.

25.09.2025

On 18 September 2025, a journalist from the public television channel France 2 was hospitalised in Lyon after being injured while covering the second day of the “Bloquons tout” (Block Everything) protests against the French government. The journalist suffered burns and tinnitus after a projectile – believed to have been fired by a police officer – hit him in the back and tore his shirt. 

 

 

This incident is part of a broader pattern documented by Mapping Media Freedom (MapMF), with at least five other assaults on journalists by law enforcement reported earlier this month. On 10 September, on the first day of the national strike in Montpellier, the reporter Samuel Clauzier was strangled and had his camera destroyed. In Paris, four more journalists were assaulted, with two injured while covering the protests: they were subjected to tear gas, beatings and shoving. 

 

 

The situation is particularly alarming considering the country’s history of police violence targeting journalists and demonstrators during previous social movements. In anticipation of the upcoming protests, the Ministry of Interior quietly published a new document in July 2025, the National Urban Violence Scheme (SNVU), presented as a practical guide for law enforcement. Unlike the National Law Enforcement Plan (SNMO) of 2020, which legally guaranteed protection for journalists covering nationwide demonstrations, the SNVU initially ignored the role of journalists in the specific context of “urban violence”. It stated that “the consideration of journalists’ status as enshrined in the national law enforcement plan does not apply”. Following strong criticism from journalists’ organisations, the Interior Ministry eventually withdrew this wording. 

 

 

The MFRR partners call for an independent and swift investigation into the registered attacks, and reiterate that journalists who document social movements and police actions do so in the public interest. With a new day of mobilisation now planned for 2 October, we demand an end to police violence, and call for unambiguous protection for journalists, including during clashes, in order to safeguard the fundamental right to information.

 

Our organisations will continue to closely monitor the situation and provide support to journalists in need.

Signed by:

  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Open Letter on Improving Journalists’ Access to the Albanian…

Open Letter on Improving Journalists’ Access to the Albanian Parliament

Thirty media freedom and civil society organisations – including the SafeJournalists Network, MFRR partners, RSF and leading Albanian groups – have urged the Albanian Parliament to drop proposals that would severely restrict journalists’ access. The letter warns that limiting independent filming and confining interactions with MPs would undermine transparency, accountability, and Albania’s EU commitments.

19.09.2025

To: 

Mr. Niko Peleshi, Speaker of the Parliament of Albania

Cc:

Head of the Parliamentary Committee on Human Rights and Means of Public Information 

Mr. Taulant Balla, Head of the Parliamentary Group of the Socialist Party
Mr. Gazment Bardhi, Head of the Parliamentary Group of the Democratic Party 

Mr. Tedi Blushi, Head of the Parliamentary Group of the Freedom Party 

 

Subject: Concerns over proposals to restrict journalists’ access to Parliament

 

Dear Mr. Peleshi, 

 

We, the SafeJournalists Network, the partners of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), Reporters Without Borders (RSF), and media freedom organisations in Albania, express our deep concern regarding recent proposals by the parliamentary majority to significantly restrict journalists’ access to the Parliament of Albania. These proposals, as reported by journalists, foresee abolishing independent filming in the plenary chamber and replacing it entirely with a single official feed, as well as confining all interactions between MPs and the media to a single designated “doorstep” space. If implemented, this would effectively eliminate direct and spontaneous contact between journalists and elected representatives and make accountability voluntary.

 

Such restrictions would deprive the public of one of the few remaining avenues for holding MPs and ministers accountable. While the protection of MPs’ private communications is a legitimate concern, it cannot serve as a pretext for removing independent cameras from the plenary chamber or for barring journalists from approaching MPs in parliamentary spaces. We have previously raised concerns about the media accreditation rules introduced by the Parliament in 2021, which already curtailed journalists’ freedom of movement inside Parliament and increased reliance on official feeds. Since then we have documented repeated cases of obstruction and a broader pattern of limited access.

 

In Albania, the broader media environment makes these proposed restrictions even more concerning. Government representatives and majority MPs rarely hold press conferences or appear on independent debate shows, relying instead on curated communication through social media or pre-prepared audiovisual materials produced and distributed by the Media and Information Agency. Delays, refusals, and centralisation already hinder access to public information. Parliament has therefore been the last institutional space where journalists could directly and spontaneously question political representatives. To remove this space would amount to a serious setback for media freedom and democratic accountability.

 

We therefore urge you, Mr. Speaker, to take the following steps:

  • Convene an open dialogue with journalists, media freedom organisations, and stakeholders to revise the parliamentary accreditation system so that it balances privacy with transparency and ensures meaningful access.
  • Align accreditation with existing commitments, including the Parliament’s Strategic Plan 2025–2030 pledges on transparency, accountability, and constructive relations with the media.
  • Ensure clear protocols for the Guard of the Republic to prevent arbitrary obstruction of journalists, as observed in 2024, particularly during moments of political tension.
  • Preserve multiple points of access. A doorstep can complement, but must not replace, corridors, lobbies, and courtyard interactions that enable spontaneous questioning.
  • Guarantee institutional openness by maintaining independent filming in addition to official feeds, publishing schedules and all relevant parliamentary information in a timely and accessible manner, strengthening the Parliament’s press service, and committing to future consultation with journalists and media freedom organisations before any further changes are made.
  • Strengthen transparency in public communication by instituting regular, journalist-driven media conferences with Parliament, MPs, and ministers, held several times per month.
  • Introduce an independent appeals mechanism so that accreditation or access decisions can be challenged quickly and fairly, ensuring equal treatment of all accredited outlets, including smaller, regional, and online media and new formats of journalistic profession. 
  • Reaffirm Albania’s EU commitments. Parliamentary openness and media freedom are core elements of Cluster 1 in the EU accession negotiations. Upholding these standards will demonstrate Parliament’s commitment to transparency and accountability, while restrictive measures would undermine democratic credibility at home and abroad.

 

We reiterate our commitment to supporting Albanian institutions in improving media freedom and freedom of expression, emphasizing that robust protections for journalism and free speech are fundamental to Albania’s democratic development and EU integration path.

Signed by:

SafeJournalists Network 

  • Association of Journalists of Kosovo
  • Association of Journalists of Macedonia
  • BH Journalists Association
  • Croatian Journalists’ Association
  • Independent Journalists Association of Serbia
  • Trade Union of Media of Montenegro

Media Freedom Rapid Response 

  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)

Reporters Without Borders (RSF)

 

Civil society organisations in Albania 

  • Center Science and Innovation for Development (SCiDEV)
  • Association of Journalists of Albania (AJA)
  • Albanian Helsinki Committee (AHC)
    Albanian Media Council (KSHM)
  • Albanian Woman in Audiovisual (AWA)
  • Union of Journalists and Media Workers (SGMP)
  • Res Publica
  • Association of Professional Journalists of Albania (APJA)
  • Amfora
  • Faktoje
  • Union of Albanian Journalists (UGSH)
  • Albanian Center for Quality Journalism (ACQJ)
  • Civil Rights Defender, Albania
  • Citizens.al 

Reporting Diversity Network 

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Letër e Hapur mbi Përmirësimin e Qasjes së Gazetarëve në Kuvendin e Shqipërisë

 

Drejtuar:
Z. Niko Peleshi, Kryetar i Kuvendit të Shqipërisë

 

Për dijeni:
Kryetari i Komisionit Parlamentar për të Drejtat e Njeriut dhe Mjetet e Informimit Publik
Z. Taulant Balla, Kryetar i Grupit Parlamentar të Partisë Socialiste
Z. Gazment Bardhi, Kryetar i Grupit Parlamentar të Partisë Demokratike
Z. Tedi Blushi, Kryetar i Grupit Parlamentar të Partisë së Lirisë

 

Lënda: Shqetësime mbi propozimet për kufizimin e qasjes së gazetarëve në Kuvend

 

I nderuar z. Peleshi,

 

Ne, Rrjeti SafeJournalists, partnerët e Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), Reporterët pa Kufij (RSF), dhe organizatat e lirisë së medias në Shqipëri, shprehim shqetësimin tonë të thellë lidhur me propozimet e fundit nga shumica parlamentare për të kufizuar ndjeshëm qasjen e gazetarëve në Kuvendin e Shqipërisë. Këto propozime, sipas raportimeve të gazetarëve, parashikojnë heqjen e filmimeve të pavarura në sallën plenare dhe zëvendësimin e tyre plotësisht me një transmetim zyrtar të vetëm, si dhe kufizimin e të gjitha ndërveprimeve midis deputetëve dhe medias në një hapësirë të vetme të përcaktuar si “doorstep”. Nëse zbatohen, një gjë e tillë do të eliminonte praktikisht kontaktin e drejtpërdrejtë dhe spontan mes gazetarëve dhe përfaqësuesve të zgjedhur dhe do ta bënte llogaridhënien vullnetare.

 

Kufizime të tilla do t’ia hiqnin publikut një nga hapësirat e fundit për të mbajtur përgjegjës deputetët dhe ministrat. Ndërkohë që mbrojtja e komunikimeve private të deputetëve është një shqetësim legjitim, ajo nuk mund të shërbejë si pretekst për heqjen e kamerave të pavarura nga salla plenare apo për ndalimin e gazetarëve që t’u afrohen deputetëve në hapësirat e Kuvendit. Ne kemi ngritur më parë shqetësime për rregullat e reja të akreditimit mediatik të miratuara nga Kuvendi në vitin 2021, të cilat tashmë kufizuan lirinë e lëvizjes së gazetarëve brenda Kuvendit dhe rritën varësinë nga transmetimet zyrtare. Që prej asaj kohe kemi dokumentuar raste të përsëritura pengesash dhe një model më të gjerë të kufizimit të aksesit.

 

Në Shqipëri, konteksti i përgjithshëm mediatik e bën edhe më shqetësues këtë propozim. Përfaqësuesit e qeverisë dhe deputetët e shumicës rrallë mbajnë konferenca për shtyp apo marrin pjesë në debate televizive të pavarura, duke u mbështetur më shumë te komunikimi i kuruar përmes rrjeteve sociale apo materialeve audiovizive të parapërgatitura nga Agjencia për Media dhe Informim. Vonesat, refuzimet dhe centralizimi tashmë pengojnë qasjen në informacionin publik. Kuvendi ka qenë për këtë arsye hapësira e fundit institucionale ku gazetarët mund të pyesnin drejtpërdrejt dhe spontanisht përfaqësuesit politikë. Heqja e kësaj hapësire do të ishte një hap i rëndë mbrapa për lirinë e medias dhe llogaridhënien demokratike.

 

Ne ju bëjmë thirrje, z. Kryetar, të ndërmerrni këto hapa:

  • Të zhvilloni një dialog të hapur me gazetarët, organizatat e lirisë së medias dhe palët e tjera të interesuara për të rishikuar sistemin e akreditimit parlamentar në mënyrë që të balancojë privatësinë me transparencën dhe të garantojë akses domethënës.
  • Të përafroni akreditimin me angazhimet ekzistuese, përfshirë Strategjinë e Kuvendit 2025–2030 dhe zotimet e Nismës “Parlamenti i Hapur” mbi transparencën, llogaridhënien dhe marrëdhëniet konstruktive me median.
  • Të vendosni protokolle të qarta për Gardën e Republikës për të parandaluar pengesat arbitrare ndaj gazetarëve, siç është vënë re në vitin 2024, veçanërisht gjatë momenteve të tensionit politik.
  • Të ruani pika të shumta aksesi. “Doorstep”-i mund ta plotësojë qasjen, por nuk duhet të zëvendësojë korridoret, lobet dhe oborret që mundësojnë pyetje spontane.
  • Të garantoni hapjen institucionale duke lejuar filmimet e pavarura krahas transmetimeve zyrtare, duke publikuar në kohë oraret dhe gjithë informacionin parlamentar përkatës, duke forcuar shërbimin e shtypit të Kuvendit, dhe duke u angazhuar për konsultime të ardhshme me gazetarët dhe organizatat e lirisë së medias përpara çdo ndryshimi tjetër.
  • Të forconi transparencën e komunikimit publik duke vendosur konferenca të rregullta për shtyp, të udhëhequra nga gazetarët, me pjesëmarrjen e Kuvendit, deputetëve dhe ministrave, të mbajtura disa herë në muaj.
  • Të krijoni një mekanizëm të pavarur apelimi në mënyrë që vendimet për akreditim ose qasje të mund të kundërshtohen shpejt dhe në mënyrë të drejtë, duke garantuar trajtim të barabartë për të gjitha mediat e akredituara, përfshirë ato lokale, rajonale, online dhe formatet e reja të gazetarisë.
  • Të riafirmoni angazhimet e Shqipërisë ndaj BE-së. Hapja parlamentare dhe liria e medias janë elemente themelore të Klasterit 1 në negociatat e anëtarësimit. Zbatimi i këtyre standardeve do të tregojë angazhimin e Kuvendit ndaj transparencës dhe llogaridhënies, ndërsa masat kufizuese do të dëmtonin besueshmërinë demokratike brenda dhe jashtë vendit.

 

Ne ritheksojmë angazhimin tonë për të mbështetur institucionet shqiptare në përmirësimin e lirisë së medias dhe të shprehjes, duke theksuar se mbrojtja e fortë e gazetarisë dhe e fjalës së lirë janë themelore për zhvillimin demokratik të Shqipërisë dhe rrugën e saj drejt integrimit në BE.

Nënshkrues:

Rrjeti SafeJournalists

  • Asociacioni i Gazetarëve të Kosovës
  • Shoqata e Gazetarëve të Maqedonisë
  • Shoqata e Gazetarëve të Bosnjë-Hercegovinës
  • Shoqata e Gazetarëve Kroatë
  • Shoqata e Pavarur e Gazetarëve të Serbisë
  • Sindikata e Mediave e Malit të Zi

Reagimi i Shpejtë për Lirinë e Medias (Media Freedom Rapid Response)

  • Federata Evropiane e Gazetarëve (EFJ)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • Instituti Ndërkombëtar i Shtypit (IPI)
  • Osservatorio Ballkani Kaukazi Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Qendra Evropiane për Lirinë e Shtypit dhe Medias (ECPMF)

Reporterët pa Kufij (RSF)

Organizatat e shoqërisë civile në Shqipëri

  • Qendra për Shkencë dhe Inovacion për Zhvillim (SCiDEV)
  • Asociacioni i Gazetarëve të Shqipërisë (AJA)
  • Komiteti Shqiptar i Helsinkit (KSHH)
  • Këshilli Shqiptar i Medias (KSHM)
  • Gratë Shqiptare në Audiovizual (AWA)
  • Sindikata e Gazetarëve dhe Punonjësve të Medias (SGMP)
  • Res Publica
  • Shoqata e Gazetarëve Profesionistë të Shqipërisë (APJA)
  • Amfora
  • Faktoje
  • Unioni i Gazetarëve Shqiptarë (UGSH)
  • Qendra Shqiptare për Gazetari Cilësore (ACQJ)
  • Civil Rights Defender, Shqipëri
  • Citizens.al

Rrjeti i Raportimit të Diversitetit

Kjo deklaratë u koordinua nga Reagimi i Shpejtë për Lirinë e Medias (MFRR), një mekanizëm mbarëevropian që gjurmon, monitoron dhe reagon ndaj shkeljeve të lirisë së shtypit dhe medias në shtetet anëtare të BE-së dhe vendet kandidate.

Monitoring Report January-June 2025

Monitoring Report January-June 2025

This Monitoring Report takes stock of the press freedom situation in 36 EU Member States and candidate countries during the first six months of 2025. Between January and June, the Mapping Media Freedom database documented 709 press freedom violations, affecting 1249 media workers or entities. 

16.09.2025

The report documents a vast variety of attacks, indicating that media workers in Europe operate in an increasingly hostile environment. The types of attacks documented included verbal attacks – such as death threats and smear campaigns – physical attacks, attacks to property, legal incidents, and interference with reporting work. 

 

Media workers faced threats in different contexts – including private and professional environments. Attacks online were the most common, a trend that continues from previous reports. The second most dangerous workplace for journalists were protests, followed by incidents at court and public places. 

Though private individuals remained the main perpetrators accounting for 22% of the recorded incidents, they are closely followed by government and public officials, who were responsible for 21% attacks. Police and state security were the perpetrators of 12% of the incidents. 

 

A particular focus is put on the phenomenon of foreign agent laws and disinformation narratives about foreign media funding that have become a significant threat to independent media in Europe. Media outlets and workers in Georgia, Hungary, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, and Slovakia faced accusations of foreign funding, or were targeted by laws compromising media freedom. 

 

Serbia is also highlighted as a country of concern with a total of 96 press freedom violations. Amidst ongoing anti-government protests and a violent state response, journalists faced an unprecedented number of attacks, including smear campaigns by the government, attacks during protest reporting, editorial pressure and unjust dismissals.

 

The 2025 Monitoring Report is structured in four parts:

  • A general overview highlighting major issues and trends of the press freedom situation in EU Member States and candidate countries, including quantitative analysis and charts with statistics.
  • Two thematic chapters on prominent topics within press freedom in Europe: Foreign agent laws and disinformation narratives, and the emergency situation in Serbia. 
  • An analysis of the press freedom situation in two EU Member States: Hungary and Romania.
  • An analysis of the press freedom situation in four EU candidate countries: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Georgia, Turkey, and Ukraine. 

This report was compiled by the European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF), the European Federation of Journalists (EFJ), and the International Press Institute (IPI) as part of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Türkiye: Stop Throttling Social Media Platforms and Messaging Services

Türkiye: Stop Throttling Social Media Platforms and Messaging Services

Türkiye is increasingly throttling social media platforms and messaging apps to silence online communication at moments of profound political or social importance. The undersigned human rights and press freedom organisations condemn Türkiye’s actions, which isolate people from vital information, and stifle democratic participation. Türkiye must correct course and uphold its international human rights obligations.

11.09.2025

On 7 September at 23:45, major social media platforms and messaging services X, Instagram, YouTube, TikTok, Facebook, WhatsApp, Telegram, and Signal became inaccessible in Istanbul for approximately 21 hours

 

The bandwidth throttling coincided with a police blockade of the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) Istanbul headquarters. The blockade triggered a call from CHP’s Istanbul Youth Branch to gather in front of the building at 23.00 on 7 September, in protest against a temporary injunction by an Istanbul court suspending the Party’s provincial leadership and replacing it with ‘trustees’, a decision some legal experts say was beyond the court’s jurisdiction. On September 11, a court in Ankara rejected the case for the annulment of the Party’s İstanbul provincial congress on substantive grounds.

 

The throttling of platforms was accompanied by attacks on peaceful assembly and growing pressure on media reporting on the tense situation. On 8 September, the police forcibly entered the CHP headquarters together with the court-appointed trustee, deploying tear gas against demonstrators, journalists, party members and staff both outside and inside the building. At least 10 people were reportedly detained and handcuffed. The Istanbul Governor’s Office had already issued a ban on public gatherings in six districts starting at 20:00 on 7 September and lasting until 11 September. In addition, the president of the Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTÜK) warned on X that outlets ‘undermining social peace and public safety’ would face administrative fines, broadcasting suspensions and, ultimately, license revocations. This comes after major independent broadcasters TELE1, Halk TV, and SZC TV were hit with broadcast bans in recent months.  

 

No official explanation has been provided for the throttling as of 11 September. Under Article 60/10 of the Electronic Communications Law (Law No. 5809), the Presidency may order the Information and Communication Technologies Authority (BTK) to restrict communications without a court order where there is peril in delay, citing national security, public order, or other grounds listed under Article 22 of the Constitution. These administrative restrictions are temporary and have to be brought to the judiciary within 24 hours. The competent court is required to render a decision within 48 hours thereafter. This means that communication can be cut for up to 72 hours without judicial approval. Article 60/10 was added to the Electronic Communications Law in August 2016 with a State of Emergency Decree, and codified into law in November of the same year. 

 

Türkiye has a documented pattern of throttling social media platforms and messaging apps during critical events, including the February 2023 earthquakes when Twitter was throttled for about 12 hours despite urgent rescue efforts relying on it. Another example is the throttling of Instagram, YouTube, Facebook and Twitter after a bombing in November 2022.

 

The latest shutdown marks the second one in recent months. When CHP’s 2028 presidential candidate and then-Istanbul Mayor was detained in March 2025, X, TikTok, YouTube, Instagram, and Telegram were throttled in Istanbul for 42 hours. This time around, the government escalated its repression by including Signal, and Whatsapp, the most widely used mobile application in the country. Accessing throttled platforms and messaging services through VPNs is not a reliable alternative in Türkiye, as most major providers have already been blocked for several years.

 

These restrictions are often imposed with little to no explanation. Platforms and messaging services are throttled and then quietly restored, leaving the public in a state of uncertainty. They limit the ability of journalists to report developing events of intense public interest, restrict access to vital information and stifle political dissent during moments when the public most needs open and free communication. 

 

Türkiye’s actions are in clear violation of international human rights law. As emphasised by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), ‘given their indiscriminate and disproportionate impacts on human rights, States should refrain from the full range of internet shutdowns’. Any restriction on freedom of expression, including the blocking of certain platforms, must be based on a clear legal basis, necessary to achieve a legitimate aim, and proportionate to the legitimate aim pursued. According to the OHCHR, any internet shutdown, including targeted ones, must further be subject to prior authorisation by a court or other independent adjudicatory body and communicated in advance to the service providers with a clear legal explanation and details regarding scope and duration. In addition, governments must provide redress mechanisms, including through judicial proceedings, to those whose rights have been affected. Türkiye repeatedly violates these requirements. It instead uses throttling measures as convenient tools in its arsenal to block people’s access to information in politically sensitive times and to limit scrutiny of its actions.    

 

The undersigned human rights and press freedom organisations urge Türkiye to refrain from throttling social media platforms and messaging services. Türkiye must stop its consistent crackdown on dissenting voices and the media, and uphold its international human rights obligations.

Signed by:

  • ARTICLE 19
  • ARTICOLO 21 
  • Civic Space Studies Association 
  • EuroMed Rights Network
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Human Rights Watch  
  • International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), in the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders 
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • Media and Law Studies Association (MLSA)
  • PEN Denmark
  • PEN International
  • P24 Platform for Independent Journalism
  • South East Europe Media Organisation (SEEMO)
  • World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), in the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Türkiye Sosyal Medya Mecraları ve Mesajlaşma Hizmetlerinde Bant Daraltma Uygulamasına Son Vermelidir

 

​​Türkiye, özellikle siyasi ve toplumsal açıdan kritik dönemlerde sosyal medya mecraları ile çevrim içi mesajlaşma hizmetlerine yönelik bant daraltma uygulamalarına  başvurmaktadır. Aşağıda imzası bulunan insan hakları ve medya özgürlüğü kuruluşları kamuoyunun bilgiye erişimini engelleyen ve demokratik katılımı zedeleyen bu uygulamaları kınamakta; Türkiye’yi uluslararası insan hakları hukuku kapsamındaki yükümlülüklerini yerine getirmeye davet etmektedir.

 

7 Eylül günü saat 23:45 itibarıyla İstanbul’da, X, Instagram, YouTube, TikTok, Facebook, WhatsApp, Telegram ve Signal’e yaklaşık 21 saat süreyle bant daraltma uygulandı. 

 

Bant daraltma uygulaması emniyet güçlerinin ana muhalefet partisi Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi’nin (CHP) İstanbul İl Başkanlığı binasını ablukaya aldığı ve bunun üzerine CHP İstanbul Gençlik Kolları’nın 7 Eylül saat 23.00’te parti binası önünde toplanma çağrısı yaptığı sırada başladı. Bu çağrı, partinin il yönetiminin bir ara kararla tedbiren askıya alınıp yerine kayyum atanmasını protesto niteliğindeydi. Kimi hukukçular bu kararın, kararı veren mahkemenin yetkisini aştığı kanısındadır. 11 Eylül’de Ankara’daki bir mahkeme, partinin İstanbul il kongresinin iptaline ilişkin davayı esastan reddetti.

 

Bant daraltma uygulaması, barışçıl toplanma hakkına müdahaleler ve gelişmeleri kamuoyuna aktaran medya kuruluşlarına yönelik artan baskılarla eş zamanlı olarak gerçekleştirilmiştir. 8 Eylül tarihinde emniyet güçleri, mahkemece atanan kayyum ile birlikte CHP İstanbul İl Başkanlığı binasına zorla girmiş; polis, bina içinde ve çevresinde bulunan göstericilere, gazetecilere, parti üyelerine ve çalışanlara karşı biber gazı kullanmıştır. Olaylar sırasında en az on kişinin kelepçelenerek gözaltına alındığı belirtilmektedir. İstanbul Valiliği 7 Eylül saat 20:00’den 11 Eylül’e dek altı ilçede tüm toplu etkinlikleri yasaklamış; Radyo ve Televizyon Üst Kurulu (RTÜK) Başkanı, X mecrası üzerinden yaptığı açıklamada ‘toplumsal barışa ve kamu güvenliğine zarar verecek’ şekilde yayın yapan kuruluşların idari para cezası, yayın durdurma ve nihayetinde lisans iptali yaptırımlarıyla karşı karşıya kalacağını sert bir dille belirtmiştir. Son aylarda TELE1, Halk TV ve SZC TV gibi bağımsız yayın kuruluşlarının yayın yasaklarına maruz kalmış olması bu tehditlerin yarattığı baskıyı artırmaktadır. 

 

11 Eylül itibarıyla, henüz bant daraltma uygulamasına ilişkin resmi bir açıklama yapılmamıştır. 5809 Sayılı Elektronik Haberleşme Kanunu’nun 60/10. maddesi uyarınca Cumhurbaşkanlığı, gecikmesinde sakınca bulunan hallerde ulusal güvenlik, kamu düzeni veya Anayasa’nın 22. maddesinde sayılan diğer gerekçelere dayanarak mahkeme kararı olmaksızın Bilgi ve İletişim Teknolojileri Kurumu’na (BTK) iletişimi kısıtlama talimatı verebilmektedir. Yasaya göre bu idari kararlar 24 saat içinde ilgili Sulh Ceza Hakimi’nin onayına sunulur, hakim kararını 48 saat içinde açıklar. Bu, mahkeme kararı olmadan iletişimin 72 saate kadar kesilebileceği anlamına gelmektedir. 60/10. madde, Ağustos 2016’da Olağanüstü Hal Kararnamesi ile Elektronik Haberleşme Kanunu’na eklenmiş ve aynı yılın Kasım ayında aynen kabul edilerek kanunlaşmıştır. 

 

Türkiye, kamusal önem taşıyan olaylar sırasında sosyal medya mecraları ve mesajlaşma hizmetlerine erişimi engellemede alenen bilinen bir kısıtlama geçmişine sahiptir. Örneğin, Şubat 2023’teki depremlerde arama kurtarma faaliyetleri kapsamında kullanılması nedeniyle hayati öneme sahip olan Twitter’a erişim yaklaşık 12 saat süreyle engellenmiştir. Yine Kasım 2022’de gerçekleşen bir bombalı saldırının ardından Instagram, YouTube, Facebook ve Twitter’a bant daraltması uygulanmıştır

 

7-8 Eylül tarihlerinde gerçekleşen bant daraltma uygulaması, son aylarda gerçekleşen ikinci benzer uygulamadır. CHP’nin 2028 Cumhurbaşkanı adayı ve tutuklanarak yerine kayyum atanan İstanbul Büyükşehir Belediye Başkanı Ekrem İmamoğlu Mart 2025’te gözaltına alındığında İstanbul’da X, TikTok, YouTube, Instagram ve Telegram’a erişim 42 saat boyunca kısıtlanmıştı. Eylül’de bu listeye Signal ve ülkede en yaygın kullanılan mobil uygulama olan WhatsApp da dahil edildi. VPN’ler aracılığıyla bant daraltmasına maruz kalan mecra ve mesajlaşma hizmetlerine erişmek ise Türkiye’de güvenilir bir alternatif teşkil etmemektedir; zira pek çok VPN hizmeti sunan uygulama da ülkede erişime engellidir

 

Elektronik Haberleşme Kanunu kapsamındaki bant daraltma uygulamaları genellikle hiçbir resmi açıklama yapılmadan başlayıp sona ermektedir. Bu uygulamalar toplumu belirsizlik içinde bırakmakta, gazetecilerin toplumsal ve siyasi açıdan önemli gelişmeleri haberleştirme kabiliyetini sınırlamakta, ve açık ve özgür iletişimin en gerekli olduğu dönemlerde siyasi muhalefetin sesini kısmaktadır.

 

Türkiye’nin bant daraltma uygulamaları uluslararası insan hakları hukukunu açıkça ihlal etmektedir. Birleşmiş Milletler İnsan Hakları Yüksek Komiserliği (OHCHR) tarafından vurgulandığı üzere, ‘insan hakları üzerinde ayrım gözetmeyen ve orantısız etkileri nedeniyle, devletler internetin tamamen kapatılmasından kaçınmalıdır’. Belirli mecralara erişimin engellenmesi de dahil olmak üzere ifade özgürlüğüne getirilen her türlü kısıtlama açık bir yasa hükmüne dayanmalı, meşru bir amaca ulaşmak için gerekli olmalı ve bu meşru amaç ile orantılı olarak uygulanmalıdır. OHCHR’ye göre, hedefli kapatmalar da dahil olmak üzere her türlü internet erişimi kısıtlaması, uygulamanın başlamasından önce mahkeme veya diğer bir bağımsız yargı organının iznine tabi olmalı; hizmet sağlayıcılara kapsam ve süreyi içeren bir yasal açıklama ile önceden bildirilmelidir. Bunun yanı sıra, kısıtlamalardan hakları etkilenen kişilere etkili telafi mekanizmaları sağlanmalıdır. Türkiye bu yükümlülükleri tekrarlayan bir biçimde ihlal etmekte, siyasi açıdan hassas dönemlerde toplumun bilgiye erişimini engelleyecek ve kendi eylemlerinin denetlenmesini sınırlayacak şekilde davranmaktadır. 

 

Aşağıda imzası bulunan kuruluşlar, Türkiye’yi sosyal medya mecraları ve çevrim içi mesajlaşma hizmetlerini kısıtlamaktan kaçınmaya çağırmaktadır. Türkiye, muhalif seslere ve medyaya yönelik baskılarını durdurmalı ve uluslararası insan hakları yükümlülüklerini yerine getirmelidir. 

İmzalayanlar

  • ARTICOLO 21
  • Avrupa Basın ve Medya Özgürlüğü Merkezi (ECPMF)
  • Avrupa Gazeteciler Federasyonu (EFJ)
  • Danimarka PEN
  • EuroMed Rights Network
  • ​​Güney Doğu Avrupa Medya Örgütü (SEEMO)
  • İnsan Hakları İzleme Örgütü (Human Rights Watch)
  • İşkence Karşıtı Dünya Koalisyonu (OMCT), İnsan Hakları Savunucularının Korunması için Gözlemevi çerçevesinde
  • Medya ve Hukuk Çalışmaları Derneği (MLSA)
  • Punto24 Bağımsız Gazetecilik Derneği (P24)
  • Sivil Alan Araştırmaları Derneği
  • Uluslararası Basın Enstitüsü (IPI)
  • Uluslararası İnsan Hakları Federasyonu (FIDH), İnsan Hakları savunucularının Korunması için Gözlemevi çerçevesinde
  • Uluslararası PEN

Bu açıklama, AB üye ülkeleri ve aday ülkelerde basın ve medya özgürlüğünün ihlallerini takip eden, izleyen ve bunlara müdahale eden Avrupa çapında bir mekanizma olan Medya Özgürlüğü Acil Müdahale (MFRR) tarafından koordine edildi.

Georgia: Media Freedom groups condemn latest attacks on journalists…

Georgia: Media Freedom groups condemn latest attacks on journalists by ruling party activists and police 

The undersigned media freedom, journalists’, and freedom of expression organizations strongly condemn the recent physical and verbal attacks on independent media by activists of the Georgian Dream ruling party and a police officer.

11.09.2025

These latest serious physical attacks are the result of long-standing impunity for crimes against journalists in Georgia. We demand an independent and thorough investigation into these incidents and that all those responsible be fully held accountable.

 

On the evening of September 8, tensions near Tbilisi Mayor Kakha Kaladze’s campaign office escalated between peaceful protesters and Georgian Dream activists. Reports and footage show GD supporters and activists attacking protesters, including journalists who were there to cover the demonstration.

 

The confrontation began when demonstrators marching from the Public Broadcaster arrived at Kaladze’s office, encountering GD supporters allegedly waiting in parked cars. GD supporters and militants used bottles and batons to attack protesters and journalists, many of whom were clearly identifiable as members of the press.

 

Several journalists were beaten by the group, including Publika.ge’s Aleksandre Keshelashvili and Keto Mikadze, whose phones were also stolen. Other journalists documented GD activists throwing objects, shouting insults, and harassing both press and protesters.

 

Hungarian journalist László Mézes, covering the demonstration for independent Hungarian publisher Magyar Hang, was beaten unconscious, had his finger broken, and his phone stolen.

 

Ketevan Khutsishvili of independent media outlet Netgazeti was verbally abused, physically pushed, and obstructed by the deputy director of the Tbilisi Police Department. In another incident, police reportedly did not react after OC Media co-founder Mariam Nikuradze was doused with water by a GD supporter.

 

All of these journalists were wearing press vests and badges and were clearly identifiable as members of the press.

 

Following the incidents, the Interior Ministry published a statement saying it has “launched an investigation into group violence.” The statement said the police officers “took all relevant measures from the start of the confrontation to cool down the tensions and prevent the further intensification of the conflict.”

 

However, according to footage and reports of independent journalists demonstrate that police either refrained from intervening or directly participated in attacks against journalists.

 

The attacks on journalists on September 8 are not isolated incidents but part of a broader, ongoing pattern of violence against reporters, police inaction, and impunity for crimes against the press in Georgia. The GD authorities have not only failed to condemn these violent acts but have systematically encouraged and promoted them, sharing responsibility for the attacks.

 

The scale of media freedom decline and systematic attacks on journalists in Georgia must not be ignored. We reiterate our call on the international community to exert stronger pressure on the increasingly authoritarian Georgian Dream regime to end its ongoing assault on independent press.

Signed by:

  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

EU flags outside the European Commission

Media freedom groups welcome Google fine, call on EU…

Media freedom groups welcome Google fine, call on EU to break up the tech giant’s digital advertising monopoly  

The Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) today calls on the European Union to step up its action against Google following the European Commission’s decision to impose a 2.95 billion euro fine on the company for anti-competitive practices through its dominance of the online advertising and advertising technology (adtech) services.  

10.09.2025

The Commission found that Google breached EU antitrust rules by distorting competition in the adtech industry to favour its own digital advertising services, which disadvantaged other adtech services, advertisers, and online publishers – which includes news media outlets. 

 

In addition to the fine, the Commission also ordered Google to resolve its conflict of interests in the adtech supply chain where Google dominates buyer and seller apps (Google Ads and Double Click) and the main ad exchange, AdX.

 

The Commission also restated its preliminary conclusion that “only the mandatory divestment by Google of part of its services would address the situation of inherent conflicts of interest.” It added that the failure to remedy this situation internally would lead the Commission to impose its own “strong remedies” through legal and regulatory means. Google has 60 days to explain how it will respond.

 

The MFRR welcomes the long overdue action taken against Google, and urges the European Commission to go the extra step and insist on the full break up of the company’s advertising services. 

 

Ending Google’s unfair monopoly over digital advertising revenue is a critical step in rebalancing the market and redirecting essential ad revenue to the media and publishers.

 

The three billion euro fine is a modest punishment for a company that posted a global advertising revenue of 248 billion U.S. Dollars in 2024 and generated net profits from advertising in the EU of around 15 billion euros in 2023. The only way to end the abuse of the dominant position in the market is to end the dominant position in the market and to insist that Google breaks up its digital advertising empire.

 

In 2024, European publishers sued Google for 2.1 billion euros for loss of profits as a result of Google’s abuse of the Adtech market. A recent report on the US market estimated that the combined anti-competitive practices of Google and Meta cost U.S publishers 14 billion dollars a year.  

 

Meanwhile, on September 22,  a U.S. Court will start proceedings on whether to force Google to divest its adtech assets following a guilty ruling against the company for maintaining an illegal monopoly in online advertising. 

 

The European Commission has prioritised fighting disinformation and preserving Europe’s stumbling democracies under the Democracy Shield initiative. The most effective way to combat disinformation is to ensure a healthy, pluralistic media sector.

 

Enforcement of anti-trust laws that ensure Europe’s market for news, information and advertising is free and fair and not compromised by big tech’s anti-competitive practices is the surest way to guarantee the future of journalism and combat disinformation in the EU. This must be at the heart of the Democracy Shield.

 

If the EU Commission is serious about fighting disinformation and preserving Europe’s media sector,  then it must order the breakup of Google’s ad businesses.

Signed by:

  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

IPI and 16 press freedom organisations, rights groups call…

IPI and 16 press freedom  organisations, rights groups call for the release of journalist Furkan Karabay

The International Press Institute (IPI) and the undersigned organisations strongly condemn the elongated pretrial detention of journalist Furkan Karabay, who faces a prison sentence of 6 to 15 years and call for his immediate release. Karabay has now spent 117 days in prison over his journalistic commentary.

08.09.2025

The undersigned organisations strongly condemn the elongated pretrial detention of journalist Furkan Karabay, who faces a prison sentence of 6 to 15 years and call for his immediate release. Karabay has now spent 117 days in prison over his journalistic commentary.

 

Karabay, who has previously worked as an editor and reporter for news portals outlets such as Gerçek Gündem and 10Haber, has been held in pretrial detention for over 100 days and his indictment was prepared on September 5. He is charged with “making targets of those who were tasked to combat terrorism” and “insulting the Turkish President” over his journalistic reporting and social media commentary. Karabay was taken into custody during a police raid on his home in Istanbul and sent to prison the same day. Since then, multiple appeals submitted by his legal team for his release have been rejected, with judicial authorities citing a purported “risk of flight” as justification for prolonging his detention without an indictment for 114 days.

 

The accusations stem from Karabay’s reference to the names and photos of judicial officials in his reporting on the İstanbul Metropolitan Municipality investigations, which prosecutors claim amounted to “making them potential targets” for terrorist organisations. The second charge, “insulting the president,” is based on Karabay’s public recall of past remarks by Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, in the context of a local official’s deteriorating health. Karabay denied any wrongdoing, emphasizing that all the information he shared was already in the public domain.

 

Karabay has been previously targeted for his journalistic work, with MapMF documenting five separate incidents since the beginning of 2024. In April 2025, Karabay received a prison sentence of more than two years in a separate case after President Erdoğan and members of his family filed complaints accusing him of “insulting the president” and “defamation” over remarks he made during a YouTube program. The court suspended this sentence. This followed two previous jailings on similar allegations. In December 2023, he was arrested after publishing a report on judicial corruption and bribery allegations. He remained in jail until his release in January 2024. In November 2024, he was detained again over his coverage and social media posts about the investigation into a local opposition mayor who was arrested and replaced by a trustee. He was released later that month.

 

Karabay’s case underscores a broader, alarming clampdown on press freedom in Turkey and mirrors the persecution of other journalists who have faced similar extended pretrial detention periods without indictment. In June 2025, prominent journalist and YouTuber Fatih Altaylı was similarly arrested, due to his comments during an online broadcast that were allegedly “threatening the president,” and was held in pretrial detention for more than a month before his indictment was issued. In February 2025, reporters Yıldız Tar, Ercüment Akdeniz, and Elif Akgül were detained and spent several months in prison before their indictments were prepared. Although the charges were not directly related to their journalism, such cases still illustrate how pretrial imprisonment is being misused to punish and silence critical voices, including in the media.

 

We consider Karabay’s imprisonment and the denial of due process for more than three months as a disproportionate and punitive response to his journalism. Reporting and critical public commentary on government officials must never be criminalised. Equating news coverage and commentary with serious offenses like “targeting officials” is a dangerous distortion.

 

IPI and 16 undersigned organisations, call for the immediate release of journalist Furkan Karabay and for all charges against him to be dropped. We further urge Turkish authorities to cease exploiting vague legal provisions to persecute journalists and release all 17 journalists in jail.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)
  • Danish PEN
  • Dicle Fırat Journalists Association
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • IFEX
  • International Fédération of Journalists (IFJ)
  • Media and Law Studies Association (MLSA)
  • Norwegian Helsinki Committee
  • PEN America
  • PEN International
  • PEN Norway
  • PEN Sweden
  • P24 Platform for Independent Journalism
  • Reporters sans frontières (RSF)
  • South East Europe Media Organisation (SEEMO) 

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Basın ve ifade özgürlüğü kuruluşları, gazeteci Furkan Karabay’ın serbest bırakılmasını talep ediyor

 

Uluslararası Basın Enstitüsü (IPI) ve aşağıda imzası bulunan 16 basın özgürlüğü, ifade hürriyeti ve basın meslek kuruluşları, Furkan Karabay’ın gazetecilik faaliyetleri nedeniyle 117 gündür tutuklu yargılanmasını şiddetle kınıyor ve Karabay’ın derhal serbest bırakılmasını talep ediyor.

 

Gerçek Gündem ve 10Haber gibi mecralarda editör ve muhabirlik yapmış gazeteci Furkan Karabay, gazetecilik faaliyetleri ve sosyal medyada yaptığı yorumlar nedeniyle 6 ila 15 yıl arası hapis cezasıyla karşı karşıya ve 15 Mayıs 2025’ten bu yana tutuklu. İstanbul’daki evine düzenlenen polis baskınıyla gözaltına alınıp aynı gün cezaevine gönderilen Karabay, “terörle mücadelede görev almış kamu görevlilerini hedef gösterme” ve “Cumhurbaşkanına hakaret” suçlamalarıyla karşı karşıya. 15 Mayıstan bu yana avukatlarının yaptığı tüm tahliye talepleri “kaçma ihtimali olduğu” gerekçesiyle reddedildi. 5 Eylül’de hakkında bir iddianame hazırlandı.  Karabay, bu tarihe kadar 114 gün boyunca iddianamesiz cezaevinde tutuldu.

 

Suçlamalar, Karabay’ın İstanbul Büyükşehir Belediyesi’ne ilişkin soruşturmalarda görev alan yargı mensuplarının isim ve fotoğraflarını haberlerinde kullanmasına dayanıyor. Savcılık, Karabay’ın yargı mensuplarını “hedef gösterdiği” görüşünde. “Cumhurbaşkanına hakaret” suçlaması ise Karabay’ın, bir yetkilinin sağlık durumuna ilişkin haberinde Cumhurbaşkanı Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’ın geçmişteki açıklamasını hatırlatmasına dayandırılıyor. Karabay tüm bilgilerin kamuya açık olduğunu vurgulayarak suçlamaları reddetti.

 

Karabay, gazetecilik faaliyetleri nedeniyle daha önce de hedef alındı. MapMF, 2024 başından bu yana Karabay’a yönelik beş ayrı vakayı belgeledi. Nisan 2025’te de Cumhurbaşkanı Erdoğan ve aile üyelerinin şikayetiyle açılan dava sonucunda Karabay, bir YouTube programındaki yorumları nedeniyle “Cumhurbaşkanına hakaret” ve “iftira” suçlamalarıyla iki yılı aşkın hapis cezası almış, ancak hükmün açıklanması geri bırakılmıştı.

 

Karabay daha önce de mevcut suçlamalara benzer iddialarla iki kez hapse girdi. Aralık 2023’te yolsuzluk ve rüşvet iddialarına ilişkin bir haberinin ardından gözaltına alınan gazeteci, Ocak 2024’e kadar cezaevinde kalmıştı. Kasım 2024’te ise muhalif bir belediye başkanının tutuklanması ve yerine kayyum atanmasıyla ilgili haber ve sosyal medya paylaşımları nedeniyle tutuklanıp aynı ay serbest bırakılmıştı.

 

İddianamesi hazırlanmadan tutuklu yargılanan diğer gazetecilere yönelik soruşturmaların devamı niteliğindeki bu dava, Türkiye’de basın özgürlüğüne yönelik geniş çaplı baskının çarpıcı bir örneği. Haziran 2025’te benzer şekilde Fatih Altaylı da internet yayınındaki yorumlarının “Cumhurbaşkanını tehdit” olarak nitelendirilmesi sonucu gözaltına alınmış, iddianamesinin hazırlanması ise bir ayı aşmıştı. Şubat 2025’te de gazeteciler Yıldız Tar, Ercüment Akdeniz ve Elif Akgül gözaltına alınarak birkaç ay boyunca iddianameleri hazırlanmadan cezaevinde tutuldu. Her ne kadar bu suçlamalar doğrudan gazetecilik faaliyetleriyle ilgili olmasa da, bu vakalar, tutuklu yargılamanın eleştirel basını cezalandırmak ve susturmak amacıyla kötüye kullanıldığını açıkça gözler önüne sermektedir.

 

Aşağıda imzası bulunan kuruluşlar olarak Karabay’ın yasal sürece aykırı bir şekilde üç aydır tutuklu kalmasını ölçüsüz ve cezalandırmaya yönelik bir uygulama olarak görüyoruz. Gazetecilik faaliyetleri ve eleştirel yorumlar suç olarak değerlendirilemez. Haberciliğin “hedef gösterme” gibi suçlarla eş tutulması son derece tehlikeli bir çarpıtmadır.

 

IPI ve aşağıda imzası bulunan kuruluşlar olarak gazeteci Furkan Karabay’ın serbest bırakılmasını ve tüm suçlamaların düşürülmesini talep ediyoruz. Yetkililere, muğlak yasal düzenlemeleri gazetecileri cezalandırmak için kullanmayı bırakma ve hala cezaevinde bulunan 17 gazeteciyi serbest bırakma çağrısında bulunuyoruz.

Signed by:

  • Uluslararası Basın Enstitüsü (IPI)
  • Avrupa Basın ve Medya Özgürlüğü Merkezi (ECPMF)
  • Avrupa Gazeteciler Federasyonu (EFJ)
  • Dicle Fırat Gazeteciler Derneği
  • Gazetecileri Koruma Komitesi (CPJ)
  • Güney Doğu Avrupa Medya Örgütü (SEEMO)
  • IFEX
  • Medya ve Hukuk Çalışmaları Derneği (MLSA)
  • Norveç Helsinki Komitesi
  • PEN Amerika
  • PEN İsveç
  • PEN Danimarka
  • PEN Norveç
  • Punto24 Bağımsız Gazetecilik Derneği (P24)
  • Sınır Tanımayan Gazeteciler (RSF)
  • Uluslararası Gazeteciler Federasyonu (IFJ)
  • Uluslararası PEN

Bu açıklama, AB üye ülkeleri ve aday ülkelerde basın ve medya özgürlüğünün ihlallerini takip eden, izleyen ve bunlara müdahale eden Avrupa çapında bir mekanizma olan Medya Özgürlüğü Acil Müdahale (MFRR) tarafından koordine edildi.

Serbia: MFRR partners warn against attempt to seize political…

Serbia: MFRR partners warn against attempt to seize political control of last remaining independent TV stations N1 and Nova 

The partners of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) express serious concern over the threat of political interference in the operations of the United Group’s media outlets in Serbia, which owns the major independent television news channels that are active in Serbia, N1 and Nova TV.

04.09.2025

On 27 August 2025, new information revealed by the Organised Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP) and published in collaboration with the investigative outlet KRIK suggested that Serbia’s President Aleksandar Vučić intends to undermine the independence of N1 and Nova TV.

 

A leaked recording emerged of a conversation between Vladimir Lučić, CEO of Telekom Srbija, and Stan Miller, the CEO of United Group, newly appointed by the British private firm BC Partners, a major owner of United Group, in which the two can be heard discussing Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić’s demand for the dismissal of United Media’s executive director, Aleksandra Subotić, as he is “aware that it is difficult now to change the director of N1”. This conversation clearly suggests a plan to first replace the executive chief of the United Group, who had resisted commercial and political pressure over the years, before interfering with N1.

 

The authenticity of the recording has been confirmed by the United Group. Meanwhile, the President’s spokesperson denied Vučić’s intent to interfere with the management of N1.

 

The MFRR consortium is appalled by the content of the audio recording and condemns any political interference within the United Group that would have a significant impact on independent broadcasters, starting with N1. In July, the MFRR had already expressed concern in a letter to BC Partners regarding the recent change in leadership at United Group.

 

This information is particularly concerning amidst intensified political pressure on independent journalism in Serbia. Back in April, N1 and Nova TV were removed from the satellite television service, leaving viewers with no choice but to watch these channels on the internet. N1 was the most-watched TV channel on the SBB network.

 

In addition, Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić and his allies have engaged in relentless smear campaigns against the independent reporting of N1 on the student-led protests that emerged since the collapse of the canopy of the railway station in Novi Sad on 1 November 2024. N1, which was labelled by President Vučić as “doing pure terrorism”, is constantly portrayed as an opponent of the state, along with United Media journalists in Serbia. These state rhetorics are also widely and dangerously taken up by private individuals sending regular threats online, including death threats and threats of physical violence. Since January 2025, Mapping Media Freedom has documented 26 instances of intimidation and threats against N1, predominantly online. 

 

Therefore, the MFRR urges the Serbian government to stop all forms of undue influence on private media owners and respect the independence of media houses, while also refraining from applying pressure on editorial policies and decisions through personal relationships or political connections. Smear campaigns aimed to discredit truthful reporting must be immediately stopped. The consortium also calls on the authorities to ensure swift and independent investigations into attacks on journalists. As assessed during the MFRR solidarity mission in April, pending investigations never make it to the end.

 

We also reiterate our calls on BC Partners to reaffirm its commitment to European standards of media freedom and freedom of expression and to defend United Media’s affiliates and employees from political and other forms of interference, also in line with the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA). We support the Manifesto for Independent Journalism, published by United Media editors in Serbia in reaction to the audio recording. 

 

We further call on the European institutions to publicly condemn any attempts by President Aleksandar Vučić and other politicians to interfere with and denigrate the independent broadcaster’s editorial policy. Given the constant, steady decline of media freedom in Serbia, including the surge of physical attacks also perpetrated by law enforcement officers, concrete and stronger actions are needed before the media landscape becomes entirely government-controlled. As of 4 September, Mapping Media Freedom has documented 200 alerts directed against journalists, media outlets, and journalists’ associations in Serbia since 1 November 2024, an unprecedented figure compared to the previous years.

 

Finally, the MFRR stands in full solidarity with the employees of United Media and the journalists of N1, who continue to produce high-quality reporting despite operating in such a highly hostile environment for critical voices.

Signed by:

  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Turkey: MFRR partners condemn Turkey’s broadcast regulator’s decision to…

Turkey: MFRR partners condemn Turkey’s broadcast regulator’s decision to silence TELE1

The Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) partners condemn the five-day broadcast blackout imposed on TELE1 since September 1, and the escalating use of censorship sanctions by RTÜK, Turkey’s broadcast regulator, against independent critical media outlets. We urge authorities to stop targeting critical and opposing views and uphold media pluralism in line with democratic standards.

04.09.2025

On July 24, 2025, Turkey’s broadcast regulator RTÜK imposed severe penalties against critical broadcasters, including a temporary broadcast blackout and hefty administrative fines targeting TELE1. The punishment was based on remarks by the channel’s editor-in-chief Merdan Yanardağ, who characterized the 2016 failed coup as “an Islamist coup” and held the ruling AKP government as the main responsible actor. RTÜK alleged that Yanardağ’s comments “incited hatred and enmity among the public.”

 

In early August, a court in Ankara suspended RTÜK’s broadcast ban to allow TELE1 to challenge the decision. However, the suspension was overturned on August 27, clearing the way for the blackout to take effect, from August 31 until 5 September.

 

This is not the first time a critical broadcaster has been silenced in Turkey this year. In July, RTÜK imposed a 10-day broadcast ban on SZC TV  over unfavorable comments about the government. Around the same time, on July 8, Halk TV was also hit with a 10-day broadcast blackout. However, the decision was suspended by a court, allowing the channel to remain on air pending an appeal. 

 

Furthermore, RTÜK issued at least 46 sanctions in the first half of 2025 alone, 42 of them targeting critical outlets, with total fines amounting to nearly 100 million Turkish liras (~2 million Euros).

 

More chillingly, all three broadcasters, TELE1, Halk TV, and SZC TV, now risk the permanent revocation of their licenses should they be seen to repeat the violations within the next year.

 

The MFRR partners regard RTÜK’s decision to silence TELE1, and other critical media outlets, as a direct attack against freedom of expression and media pluralism in Turkey. We urge RTÜK to reverse the broadcast ban and respect the role of independent journalism in a democratic society. 

Signed by:

  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)

Türkiye: MFRR paydaşları, RTÜK’ün Tele1’e yönelik ekran karartma cezasını kınıyor

 

Medya Özgürlüğü Acil Müdahale (MFRR) paydaşları, 1 Eylül itibariyle Tele1’e uygulanan beş günlük yayın yasağını ve RTÜK’ün eleştirel medya kuruluşlarına yönelik sansür yaptırımlarını kınıyor. Yetkililerden eleştirel ve muhalif görüşleri hedef almayı bırakmalarını ve demokratik standartlara uygun olarak medya çoğulculuğunu korumalarını talep ediyoruz.

 

24 Temmuz 2025 tarihinde RTÜK (Radyo Televizyon Üst Kurulu), eleştirel yayıncılara ağır cezalar verdi; Tele1’e yönelik beş günlük ekran karartma cezası da bunlar arasındaydı. Ceza, kanalın genel yayın yönetmeni Merdan Yanardağ’ın 2016’daki darbe girişimini “İslamcı darbe girişimi” olarak nitelendirmesi ve AKP iktidarını “temel sorumlu” göstermesine dayandırıldı. RTÜK, Yanardağ’ın yorumlarının “toplumu kin ve düşmanlığa tahrik ettiğini” iddia etti.

 

Ağustosta Ankara 23. İdare Mahkemesi, yürütmeyi durdurma kararı vererek RTÜK’ün yayın yasağını askıya aldı. Ancak bu karar 27 Ağustos’ta iptal edildi ve beş günlük ekran karartma cezası 31 Ağustos’u 1 Eylül’e bağlayan gece başladı.

 

Bu, 2025 yılı içerisinde Türkiye’deki eleştirel bir yayıncıyı susturmaya yönelik verilen ilk ceza değil. Temmuz ayında RTÜK, SZC TV’de hükümet hakkında olumsuz yorumlar yapıldığı gerekçesiyle kanala 10 günlük yayın yasağı getirmiş, Halk TV de 10 günlük yayın karartmasıyla cezalandırılmıştı. Ancak bu karar mahkeme tarafından durdurulmuş, kanalın yayınını sürdürmesine izin verilmişti.

 

RTÜK sadece 2025’in ilk yarısında en az 46 yaptırım uyguladı. Bu cezaların 42’si eleştirel kuruluşları hedef alırken, toplam cezalar neredeyse 100 milyon Türk lirasına (~2 milyon Euro) ulaştı.

 

Daha da endişe verici olanı ise, Tele1, Halk TV ve SZC TV’nin önümüzdeki bir yıl içinde aynı ilkeyi tekrar ihlal etmeleri durumunda lisanslarının kalıcı iptali riskiyle karşı karşıya olmaları.

 

MFRR paydaşları, RTÜK’ün Tele1’i ve diğer eleştirel medya kuruluşlarını susturmaya yönelik kararlarını, Türkiye’de ifade özgürlüğüne ve medya çoğulculuğuna doğrudan bir saldırı olarak görüyor. RTÜK’e Tele1’e yönelik yayın yasağını kaldırması ve demokratik bir toplumda bağımsız gazeteciliğin rolüne saygı göstermesi çağrısında bulunuyoruz.

İmzalayanlar:

  • Uluslararası Basın Enstitüsü (IPI)
  • ARTICLE 19 Avrupa
  • Avrupa Basın ve Medya Özgürlüğü Merkezi (ECPMF)
  • Avrupa Gazeteciler Federasyonu (EFJ)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Czech Republic

Ten demands for maintaining media freedom in Czechia

Ten demands for maintaining media freedom in Czechia 

Media freedom is the cornerstone of every democratic society. Independent journalism, together with media literacy and free access to information, is the best prevention against disinformation. In the run-up to the Czech parliamentary elections on 3 and 4 October 2025, the undersigned organisations therefore propose to political parties specific steps to protect these values.

04.09.2025

We present ten priority recommendations aimed at preventing undue restrictions on media freedom and access to information, increasing the protection of Czech and exiled journalists, strengthening the independence of public service media, as well as establishing fair and transparent conditions for the functioning of the media market. These recommendations are needed for media freedom to be maintained and improved in Czechia, ranked 10th out of 180 countries in RSF’s 2025 World Press Freedom Index.

 

Developed on the basis of consultations with experts and stakeholders, the proposed measures have been inspired by the European Union (EU) legislation, especially the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA), which recently came into force, as well as by the standards established by the Council of Europe.

 

We urge every democratic political party to subscribe to these ten principles as a reflection of their will to support citizens’ access to pluralistic and reliable information, which is a precondition for an informed public debate in a healthy democratic society. 

  1. Address attacks on journalists
  • Adopt or extend codes of conduct in parliament and political parties that allow for the condemnation of verbal attacks on journalists and disciplinary measures where appropriate. 
  • Create conditions for rapid and thorough investigation of physical and online attacks on journalists, including regional, independent and exiled reporters, and guarantee the rights and protection of journalists by a well-trained police, e.g. through the application of the International Press Freedom Police Codex
  • Ensure effective cooperation between law enforcement authorities and the emerging non-governmental platform for the safety of journalists of the Czech National Committee of the International Press Institute, as well as with other similar initiatives.
  1. Protect the media from Strategic lawsuits against public participation (SLAPPs)
  • Effectively and timely implement the EU Anti-SLAPP Directive and Recommendation as well as the Recommendation of the Council of Europe’s Committee of Ministers and the Resolution of the Czech Government Council for Human Rights by
    • applying the protection to both transnational and domestic cases;
    • introducing a system of effective sanctions to deter the use of SLAPP;
    • allowing courts to dismiss a lawsuit as SLAPP on their own initiative at an early stage of the proceedings; 
    • adopting measures to compensate victims for damages incurred as a result of SLAPP;
    • ensuring that judicial and other authorities are informed in great detail about SLAPP issues;
    • collecting systematically and publishing continuously data on SLAPP lawsuits targeting journalists.
  1. Do not restrict media freedom 
  • Refrain from any legislative measures that could potentially cause a chilling effect on journalists and silence them.
  • Consult any legislative proposals impacting the media market, media freedom and the ability of journalists to gather and disseminate information with professional organisations of publishers and journalists.
  1. Respect the role of self-regulation
  • Avoid criminalising the publication of public-interest information coming from the investigation by law-enforcement authorities. 
  • Respect the role of self-regulation, especially in defining the concept of “public interest” and in assessing possible violations of the code of ethics.
  • Prevent the state and any public authority from defining the terms “journalist” and “publisher” beyond the legislation currently in force. 
  • Refrain from creating any lists of journalists or publishers (black or white lists) or any registers that could be misused. 
  • Consider exclusively the commitment of a media to a self-regulatory platform when taking a decision on distributing state advertisement, without using any evaluating tools. 
  • Refrain from entrusting the Council for Radio and Television Broadcasting (RRTV) with powers beyond the scope defined by the EMFA and give a preference to self-regulation over regulation where allowed by the EMFA.
  1. Ensure effective protection of confidentiality of journalistic sources and communications
  • Ensure that the use of surveillance technologies (e.g. spyware) against journalists is always subject to prior approval by an independent judicial authority and meets all other conditions in accordance with the Article 4 of the EMFA. 
  • Guarantee that surveillance technologies are not misused against journalists under the pretext of national security or for any other purpose arising from EU Council Framework Decision 2002/584/JHA.
  • Entrust an independent body or entity with the relevant expertise to provide assistance to the persons specified in Article 4(8) of the EMFA in exercising their right to effective judicial protection.
  1. Improve access to public information and political events
  • Shorten the deadlines for deciding on appeals and remove unjustified fees for information serving the public interest by amending the Czech Freedom of Information Act.
  • Ensure equal access to information and to public events and allow for accreditation for meetings and press conferences of the government, parliament, and political parties for all journalists, regardless of their editorial affiliation.
  1. Protect the copyright of the media
  • Establish a legislative environment that respects the copyright and publishing rights of Czech media and protects them from abuse by digital platforms, including generative artificial intelligence training models. 
  • Support collective administrators and professional organisations of publishers and journalists in negotiating remuneration terms with platforms in accordance with the EU Directive on Copyright in the Digital Single Market.
  • Actively participate in European negotiations on a common approach to digital platforms.
  1. Strengthen the independence and relevance of public service media 
  • Maintain Czech Television, Czech Radio and Czech Press Agency as editorially independent public service media and their current funding models to minimise political influence and interference.
  • Ensure transparent and pluralistic nomination procedures for the public service media councils in line with the EMFA, and establish expertise as a key criterion for selecting their members.
  • Support the memorandum between public service media and private media.
  1. Create conditions for the functioning of a pluralistic private market
  • In order to protect pluralism in the media market, ensure fair conditions of competition on the advertisement market and in online space between public and private media, in accordance with the European Commission’s Communication on the application of state aid rules to public media. 
  • In accordance with Articles 6 and 25 of the EMFA, ensure transparent and fair allocation of state advertising, while respecting a transparent and non-discriminatory audience measurement system developed in the media sector.
  • Refrain from criminalising media that receive transparent funding from foreign and cross-border sources. 
  1. Support media freedom in undemocratic countries
  • Guarantee a free, stable and safe environment for exiled journalists and media based in Czechia and broadcasting towards non-democratic countries, so that they can provide reliable information as an alternative to government propaganda.

Initiated by:

  • Association of online publishers (AOV)
  • Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • Syndicate of journalists of the Czech Republic (SN CR)
  • International Press Institute – Czech National Committee (CZ IPI)

With support of:

  • Association of European Journalists in Belgium (AEJ Belgium)
  • Association of European Journalists – French section (AEJ France)
  • Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)
  • Czech Writers Association (AS, ČR)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • European Publishers Council (EPC)
  • European Writers’ Council (EWC)
  • Free Press for Eastern Europe (FPEE)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • International Freedom of Expression Exchange (IFEX)
  • International Media Support (IMS)
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • Media Diversity Institute
  • News Media Europe (NME)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Public Media Alliance (PMA)
  • South East Europe Media Organisation (SEEMO)

Deset požadavků na udržení svobody médií v Česku

Svoboda médií je základem každé demokratické společnosti. Nezávislá žurnalistika je spolu s mediální gramotností a svobodným přístupem k informacím nejlepší prevencí proti dezinformacím. S blížícími se parlamentními volbami v Česku 3. – 4. října 2025 proto níže podepsané organizace důrazně vyzývají všechny politické strany, aby přijali konkrétní kroky, které tuto nezcizitelnou svobodu ochrání.

 

Předkládáme deset prioritních doporučení zaměřených proti neoprávněnému omezování svobody médií a přístupu k informacím, zvýšení ochrany českých i exilových novinářů, posílení nezávislosti veřejnoprávních médií a nastavení spravedlivých a transparentních podmínek pro fungování mediálního trhu. Tato doporučení jsou nezbytná pro udržení a zlepšení svobody médií v České republice, která se v roce 2025 umístila na 10. místě ze 180 zemí v Indexu svobody tisku organizace Reportéři bez hranic (RSF).

 

Navrhovaná opatření byla vypracována na základě konzultací s odborníky a zúčastněnými stranami a byla inspirována legislativou Evropské unie, zejména Evropským aktem o svobodě médií (EMFA), který nedávno vstoupil do účinnosti, a také standardy Rady Evropy.

 

Naléhavě žádáme všechny demokratické politické strany, aby se přihlásily k těmto deseti principům a projevily tím vůli podporovat přístup občanů k pluralitním a spolehlivým informacím, což je předpokladem pro informovanou veřejnou debatu ve zdravé demokratické společnosti.

  1. Řešit útoky na novináře
  • Přijmout, nebo rozšířit, kodexy chování v parlamentu a politických stranách, které umožní odsouzení verbálních útoků na novináře a případná disciplinární opatření.
  • Vytvořit podmínky pro rychlé a důkladné vyšetření fyzických a online útoků na novináře, včetně regionálních, nezávislých a exilových novinářů, a zajistit jejich práva a ochranu prostřednictvím dobře vyškolené policie (např. uplatněním Mezinárodního kodexu policie pro svobodu tisku).
  • Zajistit účinnou spolupráci mezi orgány činnými v trestním řízení a vznikající nevládní platformou pro bezpečnost novinářů při Českém národním výboru Mezinárodního tiskového institutu, jakož i s jinými podobnými iniciativami.
  1. Chránit média před strategickými žalobami (SLAPP)
  • Efektivně a včas implementovat směrnici EU proti žalobám SLAPP a doporučení Rady Evropy a usnesení české Rady vlády pro lidská práva:
    • aplikovat ochranu na mezinárodní i vnitrostátní případy;
    • zavést účinné sankce odrazující od použití SLAPP;
    • umožnit soudům zamítnout žalobu jako SLAPP z vlastní iniciativy již v rané fázi řízení;
    • přijmout opatření na odškodnění obětí SLAPP;
    • zajistit, aby soudní i jiné relevantní orgány byly detailně informovány o problematice SLAPP;
    • systematicky shromažďovat a průběžně zveřejňovat data o SLAPP žalobách mířených na novináře.
  1. Neomezovat svobodu médií
  • Zdržet se legislativních kroků, které by mohly mít zastrašující účinek na novináře a umlčet je.
  • Projednávat s profesními organizacemi vydavatelů a novinářů legislativní návrhy s dopadem na mediální trh, svobodu médií a schopnost novinářů získávat a šířit informace.
  1. Respektovat roli samoregulace
  • Nekriminalizovat zveřejňování informací ve veřejném zájmu pocházejících z vyšetřování orgánů činných v trestním řízení.
  • Respektovat roli samoregulačních orgánů, při definování pojmu „veřejný zájem“ a při posuzování možného porušení etického kodexu.
  • Zabránit tomu, aby stát nebo jiný veřejný orgán definoval pojmy „novinář“ a „vydavatel“ nad rámec stávající legislativy. 
  • Nevytvářet žádné seznamy novinářů či vydavatelů (černé nebo bílé listiny), ani evidence, které by mohly být zneužity.
  • Při rozhodování o rozdělování státní inzerce brát v potaz výhradně příslušnost média k samoregulačnímu orgánu, nepoužívat žádné hodnotící nástroje.
  • Neudělovat Radě pro rozhlasové a televizní vysílání (RRTV) pravomoci přesahující rámec stanovený EMFA a upřednostňovat samoregulaci všude, kde to EMFA nabízí.
  1. Zajistit efektivní ochranu důvěrnosti novinářských zdrojů a komunikace
  • Zajistit, aby používání sledovacích technologií (např. spyware) vůči novinářům bylo vždy podmíněno předchozím souhlasem nezávislého soudního orgánu a splňovalo všechny podmínky podle článku 4 EMFA.
  • Zabránit zneužití sledovacích technologií vůči novinářům pod záminkou národní bezpečnosti nebo jiných důvodů podle rámcového rozhodnutí Rady EU 2002/584/SVV.
  • Pověřit nezávislý subjekt s odborností, aby pomáhal osobám uvedeným v článku 4(8) EMFA uplatňovat jejich právo na účinnou soudní ochranu.
  1. Zlepšit přístup k veřejným informacím a politickým událostem
  • Zkrátit lhůty pro rozhodování o odvoláních a odstranit neopodstatněné poplatky za informace sloužící veřejnému zájmu novelou zákona o svobodném přístupu k informacím.
  • Všem novinářům bez ohledu na jejich příslušnost k redakci zajistit rovný přístup k informacím a na veřejné akce, a umožnit akreditaci na zasedání a tiskové konference vlády, parlamentu a politických stran.
  1. Chránit autorská práva médií
  • Vytvořit legislativní prostředí, které bude respektovat autorská a vydavatelská práva českých médií a ochrání je před zneužitím digitálními platformami, včetně modelů generativní umělé inteligence.
  • Podpořit kolektivní správce a profesní organizace vydavatelů a novinářů při vyjednávání o odměnách s platformami podle směrnice EU o autorském právu na jednotném digitálním trhu.
  • Aktivně se zapojit do evropských jednání o společném přístupu k digitálním platformám.
  1. Posilovat nezávislost a relevanci veřejnoprávních médií
  • Zachovat Českou televizi, Český rozhlas a Českou tiskovou kancelář jako redakčně nezávislá veřejnoprávní média a jejich současné modely financování pro minimalizaci politického vlivu a vměšování.
  • Zajistit transparentní a pluralitní nominační procesy do rad veřejnoprávních médií v souladu s EMFA a stanovit odbornost jako klíčové kritérium pro výběr jejich členů.
  • Podpořit memorandum mezi veřejnoprávními a soukromými médii.
  1. Vytvářet podmínky pro fungování pluralitního soukromého trhu
  • Za účelem ochrany plurality na mediálním trhu zajistit férové podmínky pro konkurenci na reklamním trhu a v online prostředí mezi veřejnoprávními a soukromými médii v souladu se Sdělením Evropské komise o pravidlech státní podpory.
  • V souladu s články 6 a 25 EMFA zajistit transparentní a spravedlivé přidělování státní inzerce a respektovat transparentní a nediskriminační systém měření sledovanosti vyvinutý v mediálním sektoru.
  • Zdržet se kriminalizace médií, která získávají transparentní financování ze zahraničních nebo přeshraničních zdrojů.
  1. Podporovat svobodu médií v nedemokratických zemích

Zaručit svobodné, stabilní a bezpečné prostředí pro exilové novináře a média se sídlem v České republice, která vysílají do nedemokratických zemí, aby mohla poskytovat spolehlivé informace jako alternativu k vládní propagandě.

Iniciováno:

  • Asociace online vydavatelů (AOV)
  • Reportéři bez hranic (RSF)
  • Evropské centrum pro svobodu tisku a médií (ECPMF)
  • Syndikát novinářů České republiky (SN ČR)
  • Český národní výbor Mezinárodního tiskového institutu (CZ IPI)

S podporou:

  • Aliance veřejnoprávních médií (PMA)
  • Asociace spisovatelů (AS, ČR)
  • Asociace evropských novinářů v Belgii (AEJ Belgie)
  • Asociace evropských novinářů – francouzská sekce (AEJ France)
  • Evropská federace novinářů (EFJ)
  • Evropská rada spisovatelů (EWC)
  • Evropská rada vydavatelů (EPC)
  • Institut pro mediální rozmanitost (Media Diversity Institute)
  • Mezinárodní podpora médií (IMS)
  • Mezinárodní tiskový institut (IPI centrála)
  • Mezinárodní výměna informací o svobodě projevu (IFEX)
  • Observatoř Balkán, Kavkaz, Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Organizace médií jihovýchodní Evropy (SEEMO)
  • Svobodný tisk pro východní Evropu (FPEE)
  • Svobody tisku bez limitů (FPU)
  • Výbor na ochranu novinářů (CPJ)
  • Zpravodajská média Evropy (News Media Europe, NME)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.