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Italy: Landmark ruling in press freedom case

Italy: Landmark ruling in press freedom case

The Media Freedom Rapid Response consortium welcomes yesterday’s acquittal of writer and journalist Roberto Saviano in a case brought by current Italy’s  Minister of Infrastructure and Transport Matteo Salvini, setting a landmark ruling for press freedom and freedom of expression in Italy.

17 April 2026

On April 16, 2026, the Criminal Court of Rome acquitted Saviano of criminal defamation, rejecting both the public prosecutor’s request for a €10,000 fine and the additional €100,000 damages sought by Salvini’s legal team.

 

The case was initiated by Minister Matteo Salvini in response to a number of social media posts authored by Saviano in June 2018,in which he had criticized Salvini’s anti-migrant and xenophobic rhetoric and policies. In those social media contents, Saviano also spoke out against  Salvini’s repeated threats to revoke the police protection granted to him since 2006. Saviano further called him “minister of the underworld”, echoing an essay by journalist and historian Gaetano Salvemini who had criticized the stance of the pre-fascist Giolitti government towards the Southern regions of Italy in the early 20th century. Salvini’s lawsuit further targeted an interview Saviano gave to the German news outlet Süddeutsche Zeitung in 2018, alleging that the writer had referred to a non-aggression pact between Italian criminal organizations and the Ministry of the Interior – an accusation that the court ultimately proved to be unfounded over the course of the trial. Notably, Salvini filed the lawsuit when he was Minister of the Interior on official Ministry of the Interior letterhead, adding a further element of institutional pressure and intimidation to the case.

 

The case represents a textbook example of a  Strategic Lawsuit Against Public Participation (SLAPP). It highlights a clear imbalance of power, with a politically influential claimant pursuing disproportionate legal action and excessive remedies in response to Saviano’s criticism. His reporting addressed matters of public interest, including on migration, minority rights, and the relationship between national political leadership and Southern Italy. Finally, Salvini’s lawsuit appears to be part of a broader pattern of sustained attacks and delegitimization targeting the writer. This case also reflects broader patterns in which legal action is used to deter scrutiny and silence critical voices.

 

In a context marked by an alarming trend of high-ranking public officials resorting to legal harassment to silence criticism, this ruling stands as a watershed moment affirming the right to hold those in power to account, an important test for the health of Italian democracy.

 

The court’s reasoning in this acquittal, which will be made available in three months, will be crucial in shaping future case law in Italy. The ruling does align with the interpretation of Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights, as reiterated by the European Court of Human Rights, according to which public figures should tolerate a higher degree of criticism and scrutiny due to their prominent position in society.

 

While welcoming this important outcome, the MFRR consortium reiterates the urgent need for the Italian Parliament to fully decriminalize defamation and align national legislation with international freedom of expression standards. Criminal defamation laws are inherently open to abuse and have a chilling effect on legitimate public interest reporting and commentary. This reform should go hand in hand with a comprehensive reform of civil law, including robust safeguards against SLAPPs in both domestic and cross-border cases, and across all types of proceedings. 

 

With the deadline for transposing the EU Anti-SLAPP Directive – also known as Daphne’s Law – approaching next month, Italy must act promptly, including by incorporating both the EU Recommendation (2022/758) and the Council of Europe Recommendation CM/Rec(2024)2.

 

Only comprehensive and effectively implemented legal safeguards can protect journalists and other public watchdogs from abusive litigation and enable them to report on matters of public interest without fear of legal harassment or retaliation.

Signed by:

  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • Free Press Unlimited
  • International Press Institute (IPI)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Hungary: Media freedom reform must be priority for incoming…

Hungary: Media freedom reform must be priority for incoming Tisza government

Media reform in Hungary must be a priority issue for the new Tisza government as it seeks to rebuild the country’s severely eroded checks and balances and rejoin the European Union’s democratic community, the undersigned partners of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) said today following the election result.

15.04.2026

The end of the 16-year rule of Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz party, under which Hungary plummeted to become the European Union’s worst country for media freedom, offers a historic opportunity for a democratic reset and a new era for media after a decade-and-a-half of sustained deterioration.

 

Just as the Orbán government’s crackdown on the press paved the way for increasing autocratisation and corruption, reforms to improve media freedom and revitalise media pluralism will be central to the success for the Tisza government’s wider re-democratisation and transparent governance efforts moving forward. As the country charts a course towards a more European future, MFRR partners call on the new government of Prime Minister Peter Magyar to ensure that fundamental media reforms are at the core of this democratic transformation. 

 

To support this process, MFRR partners today call for the establishment by parliament of an independent and high-level multistakeholder task force on media reform, which should develop a comprehensive strategy for constitutional, legislative, and regulatory change, in line with EU commitments, regulations and laws. This strategy should be developed with meaningful and inclusive input from media experts, journalists’ organisations and civil society.

 

Key priorities for this reform of the country’s media landscape must include efforts to support the regeneration of media pluralism; laws to limit media concentration; systemic reform of public media to guarantee independence; overhaul of the country’s media regulatory system and management; readjustment of the media market through the end of abuse of state advertising to media; and the repealing of restrictive laws such as Sovereignty Protection Act and the dismantling of the Sovereignty Protection Office.

 

These policies should be combined with accountability for spyware and other types of surveillance of journalists; cessation of smear campaigns and abusive language against press by government politicians; improvement of the climate for access to information for journalists; the end of discriminatory accreditation and interview practices, and the strengthening the legal climate and creation of protections against abusive lawsuits.

 

Tisza’s election manifesto made several pledges on addressing state propaganda and reforming the country’s media institutions. Most prominently, these include changes to media regulator management, a temporary suspension to the public media news broadcasting until reforms ensuring independence are implemented, and a temporary moratorium on state advertising in the media. While these proposals offer some positive signs, such reforms will require a robust and detailed strategy, which should be developed in close consultation with media, journalists’ organisations, civil society and policy communities. 

 

After more than 15 years of the steady erosion of media freedom and pluralism in Hungary, MFRR partners stress that the process for unwinding media capture in the coming months and years will be complex and challenging. Despite the two-thirds constitutional majority secured in parliament, the Tisza government will likely face hurdles and obstruction in changing a media system built by Fidesz to withstand reform. While a major overhaul is required, it is important that reforms are carried out through lawful, proportionate and democratic means, with the aim of regenerating media pluralism, restoring local, regional and national media markets, and ensuring an enabling environment for independent journalism. We also urge the new leadership to ensure that its communication practices regarding the press foster an environment that enables free and independent journalism.

 

The ability of Tisza to unwind media capture, safeguard independent journalism and re-democratise the country’s media will be a crucial test for the new government’s rule of law agenda, but could also offer an example for positive media freedom reform for the European Union and beyond. The new government has the crucial constitutional majority required to do so. The focus must now be on how to make immediate media freedom progress, but also how to introduce the safeguards required to ensure Hungary can never experience similar media crackdowns in the future.

 

At the beginning of this historic democratic re-opening, MFRR partners stand ready to support the development of media reforms and to provide recommendations for improving media freedom in line with international standards and EU frameworks, most prominently the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA). In the coming months, our organisations are also committed to visiting Budapest to meet with the new leadership and government ministries to provide expert input on the path ahead.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Since April 2020, the MFRR’s Mapping Media Freedom (MapMF) platform has registered 213 different press freedom violations in Hungary, targeting 886 journalists and media actors. These include smear campaigns, blocked access to reporting locations, surveillance and spyware, SLAPPs and other legal pressures, editorial interference and many others. Most of these incidents were conducted by the government officials and/or other public authorities (98 in total).
  • Click here to access more of the MFRR’s advocacy and reports on media freedom in Hungary
  • MFRR statement: Espionage charges against investigative journalist Szabolcs Panyi ahead of elections mark another dangerous step toward Orbán’s authoritarian rule
  • Ahead of the election, the International Press Institute (IPI) and the MFRR organised a webinar which gathered leading Hungarian media experts to discuss the diverging paths ahead for media freedom after the vote and to discuss the priorities for media reform. You can watch the online discussion here.

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Serbia: Total impunity entrenched 27 years after killing of…

Serbia: Total impunity entrenched 27 years after killing of editor Slavko Ćuruvija

Twenty-seven years after the assassination of Serbian newspaper publisher and editor Slavko Ćuruvija in Belgrade, the undersigned media freedom organisations mark the upcoming anniversary of the killing by lamenting the complete impunity for those responsible for one of the most serious attacks on journalism in the country’s history.

13.04.2026

Our organisations, which were part of a recent international media freedom mission to Serbia organised by the Council of Europe’s Platform for the Safety of Journalists and the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), have monitored the media freedom crisis in Serbia intensively in the past years.

 

Following our visit to Belgrade, we warn that the current climate for the safety of journalists is so dire that we fear another journalist could be seriously injured or even killed unless urgent measures are taken to stop the downward spiral of violence. We echo the concerns of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Völker Türk who warned on 9 April against “the continued targeting of journalists and the growing pressure on independent media outlets” pointing “to a broader deterioration of the media environment”.

 

As we prepare to mark yet another grim anniversary on 11 April, our thoughts are with the family of Ćuruvija and their colleagues at the Slavko Ćuruvija Foundation, who continue the nearly three-decade fight for justice and accountability for the journalist’s murder.

 

Ćuruvija, a well-known critic of the Milošević regime, was gunned down outside his apartment building in central Belgrade on 11 April 1999, amidst the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia. In the days leading up to his killing, he was placed under surveillance by members of state security. The broad-daylight killing became one of the most emblematic cases of impunity for the killing of a journalist in the Balkans.

 

Twenty years later, in 2019 four former Serbian intelligence and security officers were finally found guilty of planning and carrying out the murder, securing a historic conviction. The combined 100-year prison sentences were upheld in 2021. However, following a retrial, in February 2024 the Belgrade Court of Appeal overturned the guilty verdicts and acquitted the four men.

 

In October 2025, the Supreme Court ruled that significant violations of the provisions of criminal procedure were made during the retrial, including the unfounded dismissal of key witness testimony. The Supreme Court decision was only revealed in January 2026. Although the ruling identified important violations of the law in the acquittal decision, no further appeals are possible under Serbian law.

 

The impunity for the killing of Ćuruvija, as well as for the murders of Dada Vujasinovic and Milan Pantic, stands out as a shocking example of the consistent failure of the criminal justice system to secure accountability for historic killings of journalists in Serbia, but also as a symbol of the wider breakdown of the rule of law in the country and the inability of authorities to protect journalists.

 

Despite a massive surge in the number of physical attacks, death threats and intimidation against journalists in the last year, ranking Serbia among the highest in Europe for such cases, in 2025 only three convictions were secured. This shocking statistic points to a wider breakdown in the systems for protecting journalists. It is also fuelled by hostile and irresponsible rhetoric against independent journalists from high-ranking government officials.

 

Following the mission on March 26-27, which was organised as part of the Council of Europe’s Platform for the Safety of Journalists and the Media freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), we warned that the current climate for the safety of journalists remains so toxic that the chances of further escalation in the severity of attacks against journalists are dangerously high. Since the mission, local elections saw yet another serious spike in violent attacks on journalists reporting from the streets.

 

On the anniversary of Ćuruvija’s murder, we again urge the Serbian state to uphold its responsibility to end the impunity for Curuvija’s murder. At the same time, the government must take concerted action to stop the cycle of violence against journalists in the country, lead by example in reducing tensions and hostility, and ensure journalist protection mechanisms are functioning properly. If authorities do not act, they will bear significant responsibility for any future attacks or killing of journalists.

 

In the coming weeks, our organisations will publish a post-mission report outlining recommendations for stopping this dramatic media freedom decline in Serbia, which will be provided to government officials as well as international bodies, such as the European Union, Council of Europe and the OSCE.

 

As the Slavko Ćuruvija Foundation continues its legal campaign for justice, in the face of defamation lawsuits from the now acquitted defendants, our organisations again underline our support for their decades-long fight for justice and all efforts to secure accountability for this crime. As we remember Ćuruvija, we remind that no journalist deserves to be threatened, silenced, attacked or killed for doing their job of questioning and holding power to account.

Signed by:

  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • Association of European Journalists
  • Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • Index on Censorship
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Reporters Without Borders (RSF)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Georgia: Afgan Sadygov’s deportation represents a stark example of…

Georgia: Afgan Sadygov’s deportation represents a stark example of transnational repression, demands urgent international response

The undersigned MFRR partners, and other media freedom, journalist and freedom of expression organisations today condemn the arrest and deportation of Afgan Sadygov, founder of Azerbaijani news outlet and youtube channel Azel.tv from Georgia to Azerbaijan. Sadygov’s deportation constitutes a blatant violation of Georgia’s commitments under the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) and demands strong international condemnation.

08.04.2026

Sadygov was deported on 5 April following his arrest at his home in Tbilisi the previous night on charges of “insulting police” on social media. The deportation verdict was made by a judge at Tbilisi City Court at 4am after a hearing that lasted only a few hours. The ruling ordered the journalist’s immediate deportation and imposed a three-year re-entry ban and a 2,000 lari (€743) fine.

 

The order was carried out immediately and the journalist was deported to Azerbaijan within hours. The action was taken despite Sadygov being under interim measures from the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) that barred his extradition to Azerbaijan. 

 

Days before the arrest, Azerbaijan dropped a longstanding criminal case and extradition request against Sadygov. Georgian authorities were informed of this decision on 1 April, leading a Georgian court to lift his bail and travel restrictions on 3 April. The two actions, which appear coordinated and aimed at bypassing the ECtHR ruling, meant that Sadygov could be deported rather than extradited. The journalists’ family have criticised the charges in Georgia as fabricated and aimed at providing a pretext for his removal.

 

After his arrival in Baku, on 6 April it was reported by Sadygov’s wife and his lawyer that he had been arrested. According to reports, the journalist was stopped on the street by officers who told him he was a wanted individual and then held for about 40 minutes before being released. No charges are understood to have been filed.

 

Azerbaijan had previously sought Sadygov’s extradition from Georgia for almost two years, accusing him of fraud or extortion. Sadygov had previously been held in detention pending extradition in Georgia since 4 August 2024. The deportation took place just one day before Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev’s official visit to Georgia.

 

In 2025, the ECtHR imposed interim measures barring his formal extradition or transfer until the final judgment was issued. As a result, Sadygov was released from pre-extradition detention in Tbilisi, though he remained on bail with a travel ban. Following the ECtHR’s decision, Sadygov ended his 161-day hunger strike.

 

Sadygov has been living in Georgia since December 2023. He initially travelled for medical reasons but decided to relocate to the country due to crackdowns on media freedom in neighbouring Azerbaijan. Sadygov had been arrested in Baku multiple times before, including in 2020 on controversial charges of extortion, which resulted in a seven-year prison sentence. During a July 2021 appeal hearing, his sentence was reduced to four years, and eventually pardoned by President Aliyev.

 

Partners organisations of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) previously urged Georgian authorities to refrain from extraditing Sadygov and to allow his safe departure to a third country after his first arrest in Tbilisi in 2024. The International Press Institute (IPI) welcomed the ECtHR ruling and Sadygov’s release in April 2025.

 

Following the deportation, the undersigned organisations express shared alarm over Georgia’s blatant violation of its commitments under the ECHR. We are deeply concerned for Sadygov’s safety and that the deportation could lead to increased legal persecution by Azerbaijani authorities over his criticism of the Aliyev regime.

 

Our organisations call on the international community, including the Council of Europe and the European Union, to take urgent action to hold Georgia accountable for violations of the commitments under ECHR and to press Azerbaijan to guarantee Sadygov’s safety and freedom of movement. The journalist must be able to leave Azerbaijan and reunite with his family in a safe third country.

 

Sadygov’s deportation, which follows years of relentless legal harassment, is a stark example of transnational repression against journalists in Europe. It is also yet another sign that Georgia can no longer be regarded as a safe haven for exiled journalists. The Georgian authorities’ violation of the ECHR commitments demands a strong, coordinated international response to ensure accountability and prevent such abuses of international commitments.

Signed by:

  • The International Press Institute (IPI)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • Justice for Journalists Foundation
  • Index on Censorship 

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Slovakia: Bill on media regulatory restructuring and public media…

Slovakia: Bill on media regulatory restructuring and public media layoffs a crucial test for EMFA

The undersigned partners of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) today express alarm regarding a legislative proposal by the Slovak government currently being reviewed by the parliament that aims to significantly restructure Slovakia’s media regulatory body. If this proposal is adopted, it would concentrate broad powers in the hands of a single chairperson, which could weaken the body’s independence and violate the new European Media Freedom Act (EMFA). The developments come amidst the dismissal of the former chair of the regulator.

2 April 2026

MFRR partners also stress that the recent dismissal of 60 employees from the country’s public broadcaster – including many journalists who had expressed criticism of the broadcaster’s management and restructuring – appear to be discriminatory, retaliatory and aimed at cementing further government control over Slovak Television and Radio (STVR).

 

Taken together, the developments are further worrying signs of intensifying efforts by the government Prime Minister Robert Fico to wield greater control over key institutions in the country’s media landscape. They succeed previous warnings by MFRR partners regarding encroaching media capture and require more forceful EU opposition under EMFA.

 

The current legislative proposal, passed in the first stage in early February, was submitted by MPs from the Slovak National Party (SNS). It would transform Slovakia’s current regulator, the Council for Media Services (RpMS), from a collective nine-member body into a single-headed authority renamed the National Media Office. The draft was introduced as a parliamentary proposal without any prior consultation process or expert discussion. Under the proposed law, a chairperson, appointed and removable by parliament, would hold most regulatory powers. This includes the authority over internal rules and the appointment of a deputy, while the current position of chief executive would be abolished. This restructuring would concentrate decision-making in one individual management position, reducing pluralism and weakening existing checks and balances within the broadcaster. The proposal has now proceeded to a second reading, with a final vote expected in April 2026.

 

Following our previous fact-finding mission to Bratislava in November 2024, MFRR partners warned that concentrating power in the hands of the chair would undermine the RpMS’s independence and impartiality, and increase government influence over its decisions. Until now, RpMS has been widely regarded as politically independent, with a pluralistic board. However, the governing coalition has in the past year altered the balance within the regulator by appointing six new members to its board, five of whom are persons that have been previously associated with media capture or linked to a government-aligned oligarch or a coalition politician, making the regulator a partially captured body.

 

Alarmingly, the government has justified the reform as aligning Slovak law with the EMFA. In reality, this bill would move in the opposite direction and weaken the independence of the regulatory body. MFRR partners believe this would directly violate Article 7 of the EMFA and Article 30 of the Audiovisual Media Services Directive (AVMSD), which requires that media regulators be “functionally independent of their governments and of any other public or private entity.”

 

Concerns over the government’s apparent intention to gain greater control over the operations of the regulatory body have been exacerbated by the recent dismissal of Martin Dorociak, the chief executive of RpMS. Dorociak, who met with the MFRR in November 2025, previously warned about plans to alter the law in ways that would weaken the Council’s independence. On 13 March, this decision was criticised by the European Board for Media Services, an independent advisory body established by the EMFA, which noted that the circumstances of his dismissal, including the sudden proposal and narrow vote, pose “systemic risks” and raise questions about compatibility with EU law.

 

In addition to the regulatory amendment, MFRR partners are also alarmed by the recent plans announced by the leadership of state broadcaster Slovak Television and Radio (STVR) to reduce staff by around 60 employees. Though justified as purely economically driven, these dismissals include several long-serving journalists and members of a strike committee that previously opposed the abolition of the former public broadcaster Radio and Television of Slovakia (RTVS) in 2024 and publicly criticised the current management of the STVR. Some of these layoffs are being challenged in court for unlawful dismissal.

 

Our organisations warns these developments appear to be part of a broader effort by the government to remove critical voices from, and solidify greater government influence over, the public broadcaster. Since 2024, changes to the public broadcaster have steadily eroded its independence. The government replaced Radio and Television of Slovakia with a new entity, Slovak Television and Radio (STVR), following significant budget cuts. The latest plans to dismiss journalists, particularly those critical of management, appear retaliatory and politically driven, and risk violating EU standards on public service media independence.

 

Moving forward, MFRR partners urge Slovak authorities and parliament to refrain from adopting the bill and to respect the institutional and functional independence of the Media Services Council, as required under EMFA. We further call on STVR management to refrain from the discriminatory dismissal of journalists who have taken part in union action or expressed  criticism about the public broadcaster reforms or management. Any employment changes must be legal, justified and non-discriminatory.

 

Considering that Slovakia is currently in pre-infringement dialogue with European Commission under EMFA, the undersigned organisations calls on the Commission to closely assess the latest developments and to take decisive action under the EMFA to protect the independence of media regulatory authorities and public service media in Slovakia, which are crucial pillars of the country’s plural and independent media ecosystem. The situation represents a crucial litmus test of the EU’s new regulatory framework for media, and a test for its commitment to safeguarding democratic values and media independence across its Member States.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI) 
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Serbian authorities must stop the spiral of violence against…

Serbian authorities must stop the spiral of violence against journalists

Media freedom in Serbia remains trapped in a downward spiral amidst record levels of physical violence against journalists, death threats and online smear campaigns, alarming levels of impunity, and tight political control over the media landscape, a coalition of media freedom organisations concluded.

31 March 2026

Following a two-day mission to Belgrade on 26-27 March, the partner organisations of the Council of Europe’s Platform for the Safety of Journalists and the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) assessed that the past year had seen a continued deterioration, leaving the country in a prolonged and worsening press freedom crisis. In absence of the recognition by state officials about the severity of the current situation for the safety of journalists, the delegation warns that chances of further escalation in the severity of attacks against journalists remain dangerously high. Multiple reports of journalists being attacked while reporting on the local elections held in 10 municipalities on Sunday 29 March after the mission concluded, reinforce the delegation’s findings. The use of violence to restrict reporting and the absence of protections fosters a toxic environment that severely hinders the ability of journalists to work.  

 

The mission came at a time of unprecedented physical  attacks on journalists and rampant online smear campaigns, led or amplified by influential members of the ruling party. Following the solidarity mission conducted by the MFRR in April 2025, the situation has worsened, despite repeated calls for action. Since the deadly collapse of Novi Sad train station canopy in November 2024 and the nationwide protests that followed, 294 press freedom violations targeting 513 media professionals and entities have been documented on the Mapping Media Freedom platform. During this time, Serbia has also been among the countries in Europe with the highest number of press freedom alerts on the CoE Platform. Following meetings with journalists, editors, trade unions and associations, the Supreme Public Prosecution office, the police, government and parliamentary officials, media outlets, the public service broadcaster, the international community and civil society bodies, the delegation is fearful that journalists are caught in a spiral of violence with few protections in place. 

 

The media freedom environment in Serbia is defined by physical attacks – often perpetrated by those charged with protecting journalists – verbal threats, including death threats, incitement to violence and divisive rhetoric, as well as extensive media capture. Violations also extend online; alongside online smear campaigns, coordinated bot attacks on social media accounts of independent media outlets and journalists, and Distributed Denial of Service (DDoS) attacks on news websites have emerged as new weapons of censorship. Unaccountable use of spyware against journalists and media workers, and the lack of swift and independent investigation into the cases remain an alarming concern that deserves serious attention from the authorities. So far, no accountability has been secured. The widespread violations have been documented in the alerts published on the Council of Europe Platform and Mapping Media Freedom platform, and confirmed by first hand testimony from journalists from print, broadcast and online media. 

 

During a meeting with Ana Brnabić, the President of the National Assembly of Serbia, the delegation discussed the climate for media freedom in Serbia and called on the authorities to live up to the heightened responsibilities of those in power to avoid discrediting, demonising and targeting journalists and condemn all attacks. While she told the delegation she was aware of specific high-profile threats to journalists and the heinous legacy of impunity exemplified by the killing of Slavko Ćuruvija, this did not appear to extend to the full spectrum of threats made to journalists, including by the ruling party and amplified by pro-government media tabloids, social media and supporters of the party. Ms Brnabić committed to improve the government’s response rate to alerts published on the Council of Europe Platform. Since the platform’s launch in 2015, 61% of alerts from Serbia have not been responded to. The non-response rate in 2025, coinciding with the documented increase in alerts, was 85%. The delegation welcomed this commitment, but reiterated our request that Ms. Brnabic halt political attacks and condemn them, if they come from others, as a vital first step in rebuilding trust in the state’s willingness to improve media freedom in the country.

 

The increased violence against the press sparked by the nationwide protests in response to the November 2024 Novi Sad canopy tragedy, and the heavy state response that followed, has worsened through 2025 and continues into 2026. The Supreme Public Prosecution Office confirmed that there had been a 115% increase in the number of cases referred to it regarding media workers and a 367% increase in those related to physical attacks. This spike in criminal threats has been met with shocking levels of impunity. In 2025, only three convictions of those responsible for criminal attacks on journalists were secured by judicial authorities. A key factor, the delegation concluded, has been the continued breakdown of both the rule or law and the dedicated systems for the protection of journalists in Serbia. Poor response by the police to prosecutors’ requests concerning attacks on journalists results in the systematic failure to gather sufficient evidence to allow public prosecutions.

 

The role of police is central to the question of journalist safety. However, when meeting the Ministry of Interior, the Belgrade City Police Directorate and the Criminal Police Directorate, the delegation was alarmed by the absence of any acknowledgement of the severity of the issue and the failings of the police force when protecting journalists or investigating violations aimed at journalists. The delegation was not informed about a single case of a police officer who has been held responsible for allegations of misconduct or their failure to act. Even when presented with concrete and well-documented examples of police perpetrating attacks, the law enforcement representatives did not respond in a manner that would suggest a willingness to learn from these failings to fulfil their legal responsibility to protect journalists.

 

At the systemic level, the delegation expressed continued concern over the non-functioning of the Regulatory Authority for Electronic Media (REM) Council. The absence of a functional and independent REM Council represents a severe hindrance for the effective regulation of the overall electronic media and the licensing process. The situation also impacts the governance of Radio Television of Serbia (RTS), the public service broadcaster, as well as its oversight mechanisms. With the tenure of four members of the RTS board expiring in June, as well as a general election expected soon, the absence of the REM Council or any timeline by which it will be appointed will continue to embed uncertainty within RTS and the broader media space. In the meeting, Ms Brnabic expressed frustration over the situation and the desire to find a solution, in cooperation with international bodies. The delegation stresses that for credibility of the process to be acceptable under both Serbian law and EU accession progress mechanisms, the election must result in the appointment of a professional, pluralistic and ultimately independent body which acts in the public interest rather than in defence of political interests. These principles are absolutely non-negotiable for the process.

 

The threat landscape facing journalists is diverse and complex. Increasingly, civil and criminal legal actions are deployed against journalists to curtail their reporting, through the threat of costly and time intensive court proceedings. Data held by the National Anti-SLAPP Working Group has identified 48 SLAPPs targeting journalists, editors, publishers and the media since 2020. Investigative outlet KRIK is currently facing 14 legal actions. While prominent outlets may be able to respond through public solidarity actions and receive funding support secured through crowdfunders to mount a defence, for local outlets, who are already struggling economically, an abusive legal action may be enough to shut down their reporting. The Council of Europe Recommendation on countering the use of SLAPPs establishes a detailed roadmap to ensure member states, such as Serbia, can meaningfully tackle abusive lawsuits and protect journalism. Ms Brnabić referenced an eagerness to address this issue and these recommendations provide a strong starting point.

 

Despite clear data from Serbia’s own judicial authorities about the high numbers of attacks on journalists, following its meetings, the mission identified a fundamental disconnect between the seriousness of the situation on the ground and the assessment and response of the authorities. Clear political will is needed to break the downward spiral and ensure all attacks on the media are properly sanctioned under the law. Until then, and until political pressures on independent journalism are reduced, media freedom will continue to suffer, undermining Serbia’s EU accession aspirations.

 

The mission partners will publish a report outlining findings and providing recommendations to the Serbian authorities, which will also be shared with the Council of Europe, European Union and the Organisation for the Security and Cooperation (OSCE). 

 

The mission was led by Article 19 Europe and joined by the Association of European Journalists (AEJ), Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), European Broadcasting Union (EBU), European Federation of Journalists (EFJ), European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF), Index on Censorship, International Press Institute (IPI), Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT) and Reporters Without Borders (RSF).

Vlasti u Srbiji moraju da zaustave spiralu nasilja prema novinarima i novinarkama

 

Sloboda medija u Srbiji ostaje zarobljena u silaznoj spirali usled rekordnog nivoa fizičkog nasilja prema novinarima i novinarkama, pretnji smrću i onlajn kampanja blaćenja, zabrinjavajućeg nivoa nekažnjivosti, kao i čvrste političke kontrole nad medijskim okruženjem, zaključila je koalicija organizacija za slobodu medija.

 

Nakon dvodnevne misije u Beogradu, 26–27. marta, partnerske organizacije Platforme Saveta Evrope za zaštitu novinarstva i bezbednost novinara i inicijative Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) ocenile su da je u protekloj godini došlo do daljeg pogoršanja, ostavljajući zemlju u produženoj i sve dubljoj krizi slobode medija. U odsustvu priznanja državnih zvaničnika o ozbiljnosti trenutne situacije u pogledu bezbednosti novinara i novinarki, delegacija upozorava da su šanse za dalje eskaliranje ozbiljnosti napada na novinare i novinarke opasno visoke. Brojni izveštaji o napadima na novinare i novinarke tokom izveštavanja o lokalnim izborima održanim u 10 opština u nedelju, 29. marta, nakon završetka misije, dodatno potvrđuju nalaze delegacije. Upotreba nasilja radi ograničavanja izveštavanja, kao i izostanak zaštite, stvaraju toksično okruženje koje ozbiljno otežava rad novinara i novinarki.

 

Misija je sprovedena u trenutku nezapamćenog broja fizičkih napada na novinare  i novinarke i rasprostranjenih onlajn kampanja blaćenja, koje predvode ili pojačavaju uticajni članovi vladajuće stranke. Nakon misije solidarnosti koju je MFRR sproveo u aprilu 2025. godine, situacija se dodatno pogoršala, uprkos ponovljenim pozivima na delovanje. Od smrtonosnog urušavanja nadstrešnice železničke stanice u Novom Sadu u novembru 2024. godine i talasa protesta širom zemlje koji je usledio, na platformi Mapping Media Freedom dokumentovano je 294 kršenja slobode medija usmerena na 513 medijskih profesionalaca i subjekata. U tom periodu, Srbija je takođe bila među zemljama u Evropi sa najvećim brojem upozorenja o kršenjima slobode medija na Platformi Saveta Evrope. Nakon sastanaka sa novinarima, urednicima, sindikatima i udruženjima, Vrhovnim javnim tužilaštvom, policijom, predstavnicima vlade i parlamenta, medijima, javnim servisom, međunarodnom zajednicom i organizacijama civilnog društva, delegacija izražava zabrinutost da su novinari i novinarke zarobljeni u spirali nasilja uz vrlo ograničene mehanizme zaštite.

 

Medijsko okruženje u Srbiji karakterišu fizički napadi – često počinjeni od strane onih koji su zaduženi za zaštitu novinara i novinarki – verbalne pretnje, uključujući pretnje smrću, podsticanje na nasilje i zapaljivu retoriku koja produbljuje podele, kao i izražena zarobljenost medija. Kršenja se šire i na onlajn prostor; pored kampanja blaćenja na internetu, koordinisani bot napadi na naloge nezavisnih medija i novinara na društvenim mrežama, kao i Distributed Denial of Service (DDoS) napadi na informativne sajtove, pojavili su se kao nova sredstva cenzure. Nekontrolisana upotreba špijunskog softvera protiv novinara i novinarki i medijskih radnika, kao i izostanak brzih i nezavisnih istraga u tim slučajevima, ostaju ozbiljan razlog za zabrinutost koji zahteva hitnu pažnju nadležnih organa. Do sada niko nije odgovarao za ove slučajeve. Rasprostranjena kršenja dokumentovana su kroz upozorenja objavljena na Platformi Saveta Evrope i Mapping Media Freedom platformi, a potvrđena su i neposrednim svedočenjima novinara i novinarki iz štampanih, elektronskih i onlajn medija.

 

Tokom sastanka sa Anom Brnabić, predsednicom Narodne skupštine Republike Srbije, delegacija je razgovarala o stanju slobode medija u Srbiji i pozvala vlasti da ispune pojačanu odgovornost koju imaju kao nosioci vlasti, da se uzdrže od diskreditovanja, demonizacije i targetiranja novinara i i novinarki, te da osude sve napade. Iako je delegaciji rekla da je upoznata sa konkretnim pretnjama novinarima i novinarkama i sa zlokobnim nasleđem nekažnjivosti, koje ilustruje ubistvo Slavka Ćuruvije, činilo se da se to ne odnosi na čitav spektar pretnji upućenih novinarima i novinarkama, uključujući i one koje dolaze od vladajuće stranke, a koje dodatno pojačavaju provladini tabloidni mediji, društvene mreže i pristalice te stranke. Gospođa Brnabić se obavezala da unapredi stopu odgovora vlasti na upozorenja objavljena na Platformi Saveta Evrope. Od pokretanja Platforme 2015. godine, na 61% upozorenja iz Srbije nije odgovoreno. Stopa neodgovaranja u 2025. godini, koja se poklapa sa zabeleženim porastom broja upozorenja, iznosila je 85%. Delegacija je pozdravila ovo obavezivanje, ali je ponovila zahtev da gospođa Brnabić obustavi političke napade i da ih osudi kada dolaze od drugih, kao ključni prvi korak ka obnovi poverenja u spremnost države da unapredi slobodu medija u zemlji.

 

Povećano nasilje nad medijima, podstaknuto masovnim protestima širom zemlje kao reakcijom na tragediju urušavanja nadstrešnice u Novom Sadu u novembru 2024. godine, kao i snažnim odgovorom države koji je usledio, dodatno se pogoršalo tokom 2025. i nastavlja se i u 2026. godini. Vrhovno javno tužilaštvo potvrdilo je da je došlo do povećanja od 115% u broju predmeta koji su mu upućeni u vezi sa medijskim radnicima, kao i do porasta od 367% u slučajevima koji se odnose na fizičke napade. Ovaj nagli rast krivičnih dela praćen je zabrinjavajućim nivoom nekažnjivosti. Tokom 2025. godine, pravosudni organi doneli su svega tri osuđujuće presude počiniocima krivičnih dela nad novinarima i i novinarkama. Ključni faktor, zaključila je delegacija, jeste kontinuirano urušavanje vladavine prava, kao i sistema namenjenih zaštiti novinara i novinarki u Srbiji. Nedovoljno efikasan odgovor policije na zahteve tužilaštva u vezi sa napadima na novinare i novinarke dovodi do sistematskog neuspeha u prikupljanju dovoljno dokaza koji bi omogućili pokretanje krivičnih postupaka.

 

Uloga policije je ključna za pitanje bezbednosti novinara i novinarki. Međutim, tokom sastanaka sa Ministarstvom unutrašnjih poslova, Policijskom upravom za grad Beograd i Upravom kriminalističke policije, delegacija je bila zabrinuta zbog izostanka bilo kakvog priznanja ozbiljnosti problema i propusta policije u zaštiti novinara i novinarki i istrazi kršenja usmerenih protiv njih. Delegacija nije obaveštena ni o jednom slučaju u kojem je policijski službenik snosio odgovornost za navode o neprofesionalnom postupanju ili propust da reaguje. Čak i kada su predstavljeni konkretni i dobro dokumentovani primeri u kojima su policijski službenici bili počinioci napada, predstavnici organa za sprovođenje zakona nisu reagovali na način koji bi ukazivao na spremnost da iz ovih propusta izvuku pouke i ispune svoju zakonsku obavezu zaštite novinara i novinarki.

 

Na sistemskom nivou, delegacija je izrazila kontinuiranu zabrinutost zbog nefunkcionisanja Saveta Regulatornog tela za elektronske medije (REM). Odsustvo funkcionalnog i nezavisnog Saveta REM-a predstavlja ozbiljnu prepreku za efikasno regulisanje elektronskih medija u celini, kao i za proces izdavanja dozvola. Ovakva situacija utiče i na upravljanje Radio-televizijom Srbije (RTS), javnim medijskim servisom, kao i na mehanizme njenog nadzora. Imajući u vidu da mandat četvoro članova Upravnog odbora RTS-a ističe u junu, kao i da se uskoro očekuju opšti izbori, odsustvo Saveta REM-a ili bilo kakvog vremenskog okvira za njegovo imenovanje nastaviće da produbljuje neizvesnost u vezi sa RTS-om i širim medijskim prostorom. Tokom sastanka, gospođa Brnabić je izrazila frustraciju zbog nastale situacije i želju da se pronađe rešenje, u saradnji sa međunarodnim telima. Delegacija naglašava da, kako bi proces bio kredibilan i prihvatljiv u skladu sa zakonodavstvom Srbije i mehanizmima pristupanja EU, izbor mora rezultirati imenovanjem profesionalnog, pluralističkog i istinski nezavisnog tela koje deluje u javnom interesu, a ne u odbrani političkih interesa. Ovi principi su apsolutno neupitni za ovaj proces.

 

Spektar pretnji sa kojima se novinari i novinarke suočavaju raznovrstan je i složen. Sve češće se protiv novinara i novinarki koriste građanski i krivični postupci kako bi se ograničilo njihovo izveštavanje, kroz pretnju skupim i dugotrajnim sudskim procesima. Podaci Nacionalne radne grupe za borbu protiv SLAPP tužbi identifikovali su 48 SLAPP postupaka usmerenih protiv novinara, urednika, izdavača i medija od 2020. godine. Istraživački medij KRIK trenutno se suočava sa 14 sudskih postupaka. Dok veći i vidljiviji mediji ponekad mogu da odgovore kroz javne akcije solidarnosti i prikupljanje sredstava putem donacija za svoju odbranu, za lokalne medije, koji se već suočavaju sa ekonomskim poteškoćama, zloupotrebljeni pravni postupak može biti dovoljan da ugasi njihovo izveštavanje. Preporuka Saveta Evrope o suzbijanju zloupotrebe SLAPP tužbi uspostavlja detaljan okvir koji omogućava državama članicama, poput Srbije, da se na smislen način suprotstave ovakvim tužbama i zaštite novinarstvo. Gospođa Brnabić je ukazala na spremnost da se ovo pitanje reši, a ove preporuke predstavljaju snažnu polaznu osnovu.

 

Uprkos jasnim podacima koje pružaju same pravosudne institucije Srbije o visokom broju napada na novinare i novinarke, nakon sastanaka misije uočen je dubok nesklad između ozbiljnosti situacije na terenu i procene i odgovora nadležnih organa. Neophodna je jasna politička volja kako bi se prekinula silazna spirala i obezbedilo da svi napadi na medije budu adekvatno sankcionisani u skladu sa zakonom. Dok se to ne dogodi, i dok se politički pritisci na nezavisno novinarstvo ne smanje, sloboda medija će nastaviti da trpi, podrivajući aspiracije Srbije za članstvo u Evropskoj uniji.

 

Partneri misije objaviće izveštaj sa nalazima i preporukama upućenim vlastima u Srbiji, koji će takođe biti dostavljen Savetu Evrope, Evropskoj uniji i Organizaciji za evropsku bezbednost i saradnju (OEBS).

 

Misiju je predvodila organizacija Article 19 Evropa, a učestvovali su i Udruženje evropskih novinara (AEJ), Komitet za zaštitu novinara (CPJ), Evropska radiodifuzna unija (EBU), Evropska federacija novinara (EFJ), Evropski centar za slobodu medija (ECPMF), Index on Censorship, Međunarodni institut za štampu (IPI), Opservatorija za Balkan Kavkaz Transevropa (OBCT) i Reporteri bez granica (RSF).

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Hungary: Espionage charges against investigative journalist Szabolcs Panyi ahead…

Hungary: Espionage charges against investigative journalist Szabolcs Panyi ahead of elections mark another dangerous step toward Orbán’s authoritarian rule

Hungary’s most renowned investigative journalist, Szabolcs Panyi, faces politically motivated espionage charges after revealing Russian interference in Prime Minister Viktor Orban’s election campaign. The undersigned organisations of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) stand in solidarity with Szabolcs Panyi and denounce another dangerous step toward Orbán’s authoritarian rule in the run-up to the April 12 elections.

27 March 2026

On 26 March 2026, the Hungarian government said it intended to file a criminal complaint against Panyi, a journalist for VSquare and Direkt36, accusing him of spying for Ukraine. The espionage accusations surfaced just as the journalist, who has reported extensively on alleged links between Hungarian officials and Moscow, exposed unprecedented Russian influence operations aimed at boosting Orban’s re-election. Allegations involved Hungary’s foreign minister, Péter Szijjártó, who reportedly updated his Russian counterpart, Sergei Lavrov, with the details of confidential EU meetings. 

 

Earlier this week, the Sovereignty Protection Office (SPO) – a state administration investigating alleged “foreign agents” activities – and pro-government media launched a smear campaign against Panyi, accusing him of being part of a foreign influence network. The campaign escalated after pro-government outlet Mandiner published an edited audio recording of a conversation between Panyi and a confidential source. Following its release, senior government officials and media outlets accused the journalist of colluding with foreign intelligence and undermining national sovereignty.

 

In a statement published on social media, Panyi denied the accusations entirely, stood by his reporting and pledged to protect his sources: “Accusing investigative journalists of espionage is virtually unprecedented in the 21st century for an EU Member State. This is typical of Putin’s Russia, Belarus, and similar regimes.” He added: “Defending myself publicly would be easier if I were not bound by source protection. But that remains my top priority. I cannot reveal who provides me information or what I receive, including from within Hungarian state structures.”

 

In 2021, Panyi was among the five Hungarian journalists targeted by the Pegasus spyware, which an investigation revealed was deployed by Hungarian intelligence or national security services between 2018 and 2019.

 

The MFRR partners strongly condemn the baseless accusation against Szabolcs Panyi as a serious escalation in Hungary’s campaign to crush independent journalism. The pending criminal complaint is not only an effort to intimidate and discredit one of the country’s most respected investigative reporters, but also a blatant attempt to expose and silence his sources. 

 

By targeting Szabolcs Panyi, the Hungarian government is sending a chilling message to deter investigative reporting, and shield those in power from scrutiny in crucial election times. The MFRR urges the Hungarian authorities to immediately stop its crackdown on independent journalism, as well as fully respect the rules of the democratic game. We further call that the European Union’s response to this direct threat to media freedom and European democratic values be swift and strong.

Signed by:

  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • International Press Institute (IPI) 

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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MFRR’s vision for the European Centre for Democratic Resilience

MFRR’s vision for the European Centre for Democratic Resilience

The partner organisations of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) have called on the European Commission and EU Member States to ensure that the governance and operational structure of the new European Centre for Democratic Resilience (ECDR) is anchored in a genuine whole-of-society approach, stronger coordination across existing EU instruments, and robust safeguards for fundamental rights, media freedom and democratic pluralism. The ECDR should not just become another hub, but an effective EU coordination and exchange mechanism that seeks to protect democratic resilience holistically and is of added value to already existing initiatives.

27 March 2026

The call follows the launch of the ECDR at the General Affairs Council on 24 February 2026. The creation of the Centre comes at a crucial time of rising geopolitical tensions, increasing authoritarian pressure, and sustained attempts to disrupt public debate across the European Union and in candidate countries. In its latest annual report on FIMI threats, the EEAS again warns about FIMI operations targeting the EU and partner countries, largely aimed at eroding trust, polarising societies and weakening democratic institutions.

 

With the ECDR as the “flagship initiative of the Democracy Shield”, the European Commission aims to respond to the external threats by strengthening democratic resilience, protecting public debate and building trust in democratic systems.The ECDR is intended to become a central hub for cooperation, information exchange and capacity building and whilst a necessary and timely initiative, it will only succeed if resilience places the protection of open debate, independent journalism and public trust at the core.

 

The ECDR must be structured in a way that creates meaningful exchange between EU institutions, Member States and independent non-institutional stakeholders. The proposed multistakeholder platform must not become a parallel or symbolic channel but allow for transparent, regular and formal exchange between policy-makers and non-institutional stakeholders, such as independent media, civil society organisations and other experts.

 

We also argue for consistent and coherent protection of democratic resilience across EU institutions. All relevant EU-instruments should be brought together under the umbrella of the ECDR to strengthen coordination and the ECDR should aim to connect and reinforce existing initiatives rather than duplicating them, such as national Centres on FIMI and disinformation. The ECDR should aim to support, inter alia, independent, evidence-based research andcross-border analysis. Additionally, we propose that there is a link to the work carried out by the ECDR to the systemic risk framework under the Digital Services Act. 

 

In an increasingly polarised geopolitical environment, the EU needs a stronger collective response to ensure democratic resilience, which would strengthen media freedom, pluralism, civil society and the public’s right to access independent information.

Signed by:

  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Czech Republic: IPI advocacy mission to Prague raises alarm…

Czech Republic: IPI advocacy mission to Prague raises alarm over looming media freedom threats

On 10–11 March, the International Press Institute (IPI) conducted an advocacy mission to Prague together with the IPI National Committee in the Czech Republic (CZ IPI), during which we met with media stakeholders, policymakers and government representatives to assess the media environment in the country.

24 March 2026

During the visit, IPI and CZ IPI met with the new Minister of Culture, Oto Klempíř, as well as MPs from the Chamber of Deputies and Senate working on media policy, and representatives of the Office of President Petr Pavel. The delegation also met senior and editorial leadership from public broadcasters Czech Television (ČT) and Czech Radio (ČRo), and leading Czech editors and media executives.

 

Discussions focused on growing concerns over threats to the independence and sustainable financing of the Czech Republic’s public broadcasters, following the stated intention of the governing coalition to abolish the current licence fee funding model. The meetings also addressed the alignment of Czech legislation with the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) and challenges facing private media.

 

While in Prague, the IPI delegation also discussed with the civil society stakeholders the ruling coalition’s recently reported draft foreign agent–style funding bill and its potential implications on media and civil society in the country.

 

Following the meetings, IPI and CZ IPI strongly urge the Czech authorities that any proposed changes to the public media funding model must be developed in a transparent and inclusive consultation process which includes leadership from the public broadcasters, as well as media professionals, civil society and independent media experts.

 

IPI also reminds the government of its legal obligations under the EMFA to guarantee editorial independence and sustainable financing for public broadcasters and stress that attack on independent media or attempts to bypass democratic safeguards undermines Czech Republic’s commitments to upholding media freedoms and democratic norms.

Growing pressure on public broadcasters

Stakeholders expressed deep concern about plans announced by the government to implement changes to the funding system of ČT and ČRo. It is understood that the proposal would abolish the current licence fee system (150 CZK for Czech TV and 55 CZK for Czech Radio) and would replace it with a model based on direct state funding, although details are unclear. Stakeholders warned that such a change could threaten public service media independence by increasing the state control over its funding.

 

IPI and CZ IPI were informed that, despite repeated requests from both ČT and ČRo, the Czech authorities have so far not disclosed any concrete details regarding proposed changes to key stakeholders, including the leaders of the public broadcasters.

 

For more than three decades, ČT and ČRo have served as independent and trusted public-service broadcasters, reaching some of the largest audiences in the country. The licence fee model has been a crucial guarantee of their financial and editorial independence.

 

IPI and CZ IPI have consistently called on the authorities in the Czech Republic, past and present, to ensure secure and sustainable funding for the country’s public media system and to refrain from implementing major overhauls that could undermine the organisations’ independence.

 

Before being reelected in October 2025, Prime Minister Andres Babiš, vowed to make the merging of ČT and ČRo a central manifesto pledge, in addition to plans to replace the licence fee with direct financing from the state budget. The governing coalition, in particular the Freedom and Direct Democracy party (SPD) has dialled up pressure against the broadcasters and strongly advocated for the change in the funding model.

Article 5 of the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA), in full force since August 2025, requires all EU Member States, including Czech Republic, to guarantee the independent functioning of public media and ensure the funding procedures “are based on transparent and objective criteria laid down in advance” and broadcasters are provided with “adequate, sustainable and predictable financial resources corresponding to the fulfilment of and the capacity to develop within their public service remit”.

Preparation of foreign funding bill

During IPI’s visit, Czech media broke the news that MPs from the ruling ANO and SPD parties are currently preparing a draft of a foreign agent–style funding law which could affect NGOs and media operating in the country. According to reports, the development of the bill is being led by an advisor of the Prime Minister.

 

According to reports, the bill would create a new database run by the Ministry of Justice where any organisations with “public, political, media, educational, academic” activities and which receive any form of foreign funding would have to register. Plans for this registry reportedly include obliging organisations to provide a list of their employees and their job descriptions and list all relations with foreign states and their financial flows. Organisations which do not register would reportedly face a fine of up to 15 million crowns (€614,000) or a ban on “foreign ties” for up to five years.

 

IPI discussed with civil society stakeholders the impact this reported bill could have on non-profit and investigative media in the Czech Republic which are registered as NGOs. The exact scope of the bill and its potential inclusion of other media or journalistic activities is not clear.

 

In recent months, Prime Minister Babiš has accused some journalists of being part of a ‘deep state’ and running  “political” NGOs. This hostile rhetoric and the labeling of media outlets raise concerns that the proposed law could be weaponised against independent media organisations.

 

Foreign agent laws have increasingly been used by authoritarian and illiberal regimes, including some in Europe, to stifle dissent, stigmatize civil society and independent media, and cut off critical financial support. While such narratives are often couched in language of transparency or national security, their real purpose has often been to restrict access to funding, and weaken the public’s access to independent information.

 

Following the revelations about the development of the foreign funding bill, IPI calls on Czech authorities and political parties to refrain from the development of any plans for legislation that could threaten independent media, including non-profit media that are registered as NGOs.

 

IPI and CZ IPI will closely monitor the draft foreign funding bill and assess any potential impact on the media sector. We also renew our support for independent public service broadcasting in the Czech Republic and will continue to advocate for press freedom and media pluralism.

 

*On 23 March 2026, following a coalition council meeting, SPD party announced that the government coalition plans to submit a parliamentary bill to the Chamber of Deputies which would abolish television and radio license fees for seniors over 75, companies, unsupported young people under 26, and people with physical disabilities. This proposal would return the public broadcasters’ Czech television (ČT) and Czech radio (ČRo) funding to the level of 2024 and also abolish the provision for regular inflation-related fee increases.

 

IPI is concerned by these recent developments, which were not disclosed during the meeting with the Minister of Culture. IPI reiterates that any changes to the license fee should be formulated only by a broad working group that includes media experts, academics, and international media freedom organisations. IPI and its partners will conduct a more detailed assessment of the proposal following the publication of the bill in the coming weeks.

This statement was produced by the International Press Institute (IPI) as parts of Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Georgia: New laws threaten to paralyze independent media

Georgia: New laws threaten to paralyze independent media

The International Press Institute (IPI) today strongly condemns the Georgian parliament’s adoption of a sweeping new legislative package that criminalises foreign funding and cooperation, warning it will paralyze the operations of the country’s vital independent media sector.

11.03.2026

The measures threaten to cut independent journalism and civil society off from vital lifelines of financial support and impose new forms of censorship. IPI calls on Georgia to immediately repeal these laws and cease legal harassment of the media.

Adopted on 4 March 2026, the Georgian Dream–led parliament’s legislative package dramatically expands state control over foreign funding and introduces potential criminal sanctions for cooperation with international entities or donors. It also criminalises public criticism of the government’s legitimacy, imposing additional censorship on critical reporting. Taken together, these amendments equate watchdog reporting with criminal activity.

The amendments significantly broaden the definition of a “grant” requiring government approval and introduce criminal liability, including prison sentences, for violations. The new definition of “grant” covers virtually any form of foreign funding or assistance if it serves vaguely defined political goals. Additionally, the list of entities considered as grant recipients has been expanded and now includes foreign-based organisations working on Georgia-related issues.

Under the new law, which IPI previously raised alarm over, violations may result in fines, 300–500 hours of community service, or imprisonment of up to six years, with harsher penalties in certain cases. The legislation also applies retroactively: unused grants received before the law’s enactment will require new government approval, and recipients will be barred from using the funds if permission is denied. The law will directly affect media receiving international funding for journalism projects, grants, training or travel to conferences or events outside Georgia.

In addition, the law introduces an “extremism” provision, punishing acts that “systematically” question the government’s legitimacy with up to three years’ imprisonment for individuals. Organisations, including media outlets, could face heavy fines or even forced closure if accused of committing such acts.

Intensified legal harassment

The latest proposals add to an alarming list of restrictive pieces of legislation that undermine media freedom and civil society in Georgia that were already passed in 2025 and 2024.

The adoption of repressive and undemocratic legislation, along with widespread political persecution, is unfolding at an unprecedented scale in Georgia, an EU candidate country once widely considered as a beacon of democracy in the South Caucasus.

IPI warns the GD is increasingly relying on the Russian authoritarian playbook to silence critics, undermine human rights and dismantle democratic institutions.

GD adopted the legislative package on the same day as the Supreme Court of Georgia rejected considering an appeal of two-year prison sentence of IPI World Press Freedom Hero Mzia Amaglobeli, once again signalling its determination to fully suffocate the space for independent journalism.

Moving forward, IPI renews our call on the European Union and the international community to respond robustly to the ruling party’s clampdown on media and civil society, including through additional targeted sanctions. This pressure must be applied to not only the Georgian Dream officials but every decision maker as well as judges, responsible for the crackdown on media freedom.

The OSCE’s Moscow Mechanism, for which IPI and press freedom partners provided a recent briefing on media freedom, should directly address the new legislative package and its upcoming findings. This report should prompt OSCE participating states to take concrete steps to address the situation in Georgia, as well as additional scrutiny by the Venice Commission.

Media freedom and freedom of expression are essential pillars of democracy and European values, and should be placed at the centre of Georgia’s relationship with the EU and international community.

This statement was coordinated by IPI as part of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.