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Turkey: MFRR partners call for an end to crackdown…

Turkey: MFRR partners call for an end to crackdown on journalists covering political protests

The Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) partner organisations call for an immediate end to the crackdown against media after documenting widespread attacks, detentions, and censorship measures against journalists following the formal charging of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu with corruption on March 23, 2025.

28 March 2025

Mapping Media Freedom registered that the police violence has been targeted against at least 12 journalists. Most concerning was the brutal attack on journalist Tansel Can by seven police officers, which led to his hospitalization. Anadolu Agency reporter Hakan Akgün suffered a broken nose, while Reuters correspondent Dilara Şenkaya sustained forehead injuries from police violence.

 

The situation worsened on March 24 with detentions and home raids, during which police detained at least 11 journalists for covering the protests in Istanbul. The following day seven of them were charged with “violating the law on meetings and demonstrations.” All but one of the detainees were released on March 27 awaiting trial.  

 

On March 26, BBC News correspondent Mark Lowen was taken from his hotel and detained for 17 hours before being forcibly deported, as “a threat to public order.”

 

On March 27, Evrensel correspondent Nisa Sude Demirel and ETHA News Agency correspondent Elif Bayburt were detained during an early morning police raid.

 

The broadcast regulator RTÜK quickly imposed maximum financial penalties on several TV channels on March 21, and threatened to revoke broadcast licenses from media outlets that do not rely solely on official statements. Following this warning, pro-government channels ceased their live coverage of the protests. 

 

On March 27, RTÜK issued a 10-day broadcast suspension for SZC TV, along with programme restrictions and financial penalties for three other TV channels. RTÜK also threatened to block two YouTube channels—including one owned by journalist Fatih Altaylı—unless they obtained broadcasting licenses within 72 hours.

 

Turkey’s authorities have also implemented sweeping censorship measures, blocking over 700 social media accounts including several journalists and media outlets. For three days, following İmamoğlu’s initial arrest on March 19, the authorities had imposed severe bandwidth restrictions on social media including X, YouTube, Instagram, Facebook, WhatsApp, TikTok, Telegram, and Signal, in what appeared to be part of a premeditated plan to restrict public access to information.

 

The government is using multiple powers to stop independent media coverage of the growing political crisis. It is at these moments that journalism that serves the public and not the powerful, is at its most important and must be vigorously defended.  

 

The MFRR consortium calls on Turkey’s authorities to immediately release all journalists, launch an independent investigation into police violence, lift all censorship measures, and ensure journalists can freely report without fear of reprisal.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Spyware and Surveillance Fact Sheet: 2020–2025

Spyware and Surveillance Fact Sheet: 2020–2025

24 March 2025

Spywares are extremely powerful and intrusive digital weapons that are increasingly jeopardising the work of journalists and basic human rights, within and outside Europe. Narratives that portray them as being used only against criminals, or that see their abuse committed only by authoritarian states, are no longer acceptable, and constitute a blatant falsehood to the detriment of European and global societies.

This fact sheet on spyware abuse, produced by the MFRR consortium based on carefully verified data collected on the MMF platform, provides an overview of the threat that spywares pose to European journalism. The case studies that follow are an essential insight, and yet represents only a fraction of the breaches that systematically occur in Europe.

Enforcing and further strengthening protections for journalists, as well as ensuring transparency and accountability of abusers, are urgent actions that can no longer be postponed.

Download Spyware and Surveillance Fact Sheet

This fact sheet was coordinated by ECPMF and OBCT as part of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Romania: Answers needed over surveillance of investigative journalist

Romania: Answers needed over surveillance of investigative journalist

The undersigned international media freedom organisations today raise concerns over recent revelations about the physical surveillance and wiretapping of an investigative journalist by a local branch of the Romanian National Anticorruption Directorate (DNA) and call for an investigation into this and previous cases of surveillance on journalists by the authority.

20 March 2025

Our organizations stress that the surveillance operation against the journalist by the DNA’s Iași office in 2023 appears to have been disproportionate and lacking in proper justification, posing a serious threat to source protection and press freedom in Romania which warrants scrutiny by both national and European authorities.

 

On 17 March 2025, journalist Victor Ilie revealed that he had been surveilled for two months in 2023 as part of an investigation launched by the DNA branch in Iași, northern Romania. According to documents, Ilie was first followed for two days by DNA operatives in the spring of 2023, while working in the RISE Project editorial office in Bucharest. Ilie was photographed in front of the office, and his phone was tapped for two months by the Technical Service of DNA. Ilie was physically surveilled and followed while with his partner, fellow journalist Luiza Vasiliu.

 

The surveillance, which was only revealed to the journalist after the DNA investigation was concluded, was linked to a story Ilie was working on at the time with RISE Project and the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project on the grain trade from Ukraine through Romania, which was later published. As part of his journalist work, Ilie had gone undercover in February 2023 to speak with the executive director of a local food safety directorate. After their meeting, the individual made a criminal complaint to the national anti-corruption body.

 

In a public statement, the DNA confirmed the investigation into Ilie was opened based on this complaint of incitement to abuse and bribery and that the surveillance was approved by a court. However, although the DNA quickly established Ilie was a journalist with a track record of investigative reporting, and no evidence was found regarding bribery, the surveillance warrant against him was extended for a second month. During this time, the DNA had access to Ilie’s movements, work projects and conversations with confidential sources.

 

While our organisations recognise the obligation of the DNA to act upon a criminal complaint, as soon as Ilie’s status as a journalist was identified authorities should have immediately taken into account international standards for journalistic source confidentiality and press freedom, which are outlined in the case law of the European Court of Human Rights and standards of the Council of Europe. The fact that the surveillance warrant was extended for another month, without identifiable justification, poses questions about the actions of the DNA Iași which require closer scrutiny.

 

Our organisations support the recent letter by Romanian journalists and civic groups sent to state and judicial authorities with a request to provide further clarification over the methods and extension of the surveillance. We urge the National Anticorruption Directorate to respond in full to all inquiries in a prompt and transparent manner. These answers should address both the specific questions over the surveillance of Ilie, but also previous cases of surveillance by the DNA Iași office against journalists Rareș Neamțu, Tudor Leahu and Andrei Viliche in a period spanning back to 2018. Together, these cases present a pattern of questionable practices by the DNA Iași that seriously threaten journalistic freedoms.

 

The Ministry of Justice and relevant judicial bodies in Romania should urgently review the actions of the DNA Iași in these cases to assess the necessity and proportionality of the surveillance operations and investigations. Trainings should be carried out to ensure compliance of all prosecutors and judges with international freedom of expression standards regarding source protection. Moreover, the European Union should closely follow this case, including any further responses of the DNA or DNA Iași, and the European Commission should address questions to the Romanian authorities to seek clarifications on the issues raised above, and at the same time, emphasise the importance of rule of law and the protection of journalistic privacy and press freedom in Romania.

 

Hard-hitting investigative journalism of the kind carried out by Victor Ilie, his partner Luiza Vasiliu and RISE Project is vital for unearthing corruption and abuses of power. Journalists in Romania working against the odds to carry out this important work should be confident in the full protection of the legal system, not fearful of unjustified surveillance operations by the very law enforcement authorities supposed to defend them. Our organisations stand by the affected journalists in Romania will continue to follow this case closely in the coming months.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, Budapest, Hungary, 06 April 2022, three days after winning the general elections. EPA-EFE/Zoltan Fischer Library

Hungary: IPI warns of fresh crackdown on independent media

Hungary: IPI warns of fresh crackdown on independent media

The International Press Institute (IPI) today warns of a looming crackdown by the Hungarian government on independent media in the country, in the wake of recent incendiary comments by Prime Minister Viktor Orbán in which he vowed to eliminate all media outlets and other organisations that have received foreign funding.

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In recent weeks, Orbán and his ruling Fidesz party have drastically ramped up rhetoric against media and other civil society groups operating in Hungary that receive any form of foreign grant or funding and pledged to draft new legislation to protect national sovereignty.

 

These latest threats against the media escalated further on 15 March when, during a major political rally in Budapest, the Prime Minister accused journalists of his government of serving the interests of foreign powers and compared them and other groups to insects who would soon be eradicated.

 

During the speech, the PM told several thousand supporters that in the coming weeks the government would “dismantle the financial machine that has used corrupt dollars to buy politicians, judges, journalists, pseudo-NGOs, and political activists. We will eliminate the entire shadow army”. In widely criticised remarks, he also said: “After today’s celebrations comes the big Easter clean-up, as the bugs have survived the winter.”

 

The threats to “clean” the media and other sectors by the end of April come after a speech by the Prime Minister at the opening session of Parliament in February in which he said: “The corruption network that rules the entire Western world of politics and media must be eliminated,” adding that his government would “go to the wall” with the new laws.

 

Scott Griffen, Executive Director of the International Press Institute (IPI), said: “These recent comments by the Prime Minister mark a worrying turning point in the ongoing and systematic attack on independent journalism. The use of dehumanizing rhetoric to describe journalists and other civil society actors is alarming and dangerous and should be strongly condemned.

 

“Such open threats to eliminate media critics are shocking from the head of a European Union Member State. IPI is concerned that this language, used repeatedly by leading politicians in recent months, suggests a major crackdown on media that is deemed critical of the government.

 

“Any development of draft legislation to bolster the work of the already weaponised Sovereignty Protection Office in Hungary, if brought forward, would pose a major threat to much of the independent media operating in the country and should be opposed as strongly as possible by the European Union.”

 

Griffen sad that for too long the EU has failed to prevent the Orbán government’s efforts to control the country’s media that has led to an alarming erosion of  media freedom and pluralism, with damaging implications for Hungarian democracy.

 

Hungary already has the most captured media landscape in the European Union (EU), as IPI has long documented. Over the past decade, the ruling party has gained an unprecedented influence over private and public media, allowing it to muzzle the independent press and distort the market to entrench a dominant pro-government narrative.

 

IPI has strongly criticised the operations of the Sovereignty Protection Office, a supposedly independent body headed by a Fidesz loyalist, which has over the previous year been instrumentalised to dial up pressure on media and others which receive foreign funding.

 

While the accusations against critical media of serving foreign interests had increased since the global suspension of USAID funding by the Trump administration, they are part of a longer campaign of delegitimization and stigmatisation of critical media by Fidesz.

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Serbia: One year of unpunished attacks on journalist Dinko…

Serbia: One year of unpunished attacks on journalist Dinko Gruhonjić, the culture of impunity must end

The members of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) consortium and partner organisations of the Council of Europe’s Safety of Journalists Platform are deeply concerned about the ongoing year-long persecution campaign against journalist Dinko Gruhonjić, programme Director of the Independent Association of Journalists of Vojvodina (NDNV) and Associate Professor at the Department of Media Studies at the Faculty of Philosophy in Novi Sad.

14.03.2025

Fifteen attacks against Dinko Gruhonjić have been documented on the MFRR platform since 14 March 2024, when a manipulated video was released falsely portraying him as a political opponent. The majority of these attacks (80%) were threatening and intimidating, including an unprecedented level of death threats sent online and written on his house. Smear campaigns by media tabloids were further amplified by public figures with close ties to the government. The video has been used numerous times to discredit the journalist’s work, including by former Prime Minister Vučević, who stepped down. Gruhonjić has experienced a hostile climate at the Novi Sad University, where his students have also been threatened. In addition, Gruhonjić faced two criminal complaints for ‘hate speech’, along with NDNV President Ana Lalić Hegediš, who was sent death threats as well.

“For 15 days, I became the ‘main story’ on regime-controlled media, effectively the subject of a ‘manhunt’. For the first time in my 35 years of living in Novi Sad, strangers confronted and insulted me on the street, and I faced direct physical threats. Despite this, the Serbian police have provided no protection,” said Dinko Gruhonjić for the 2024 Europe Press Freedom Report of the Council of Europe’s Safety of Journalists Platform.

One year later, alarmingly, none of the threats reported to the Special Prosecutor’s Office for High-Tech Crimes (VTK) has been prosecuted, and the threats persist.

As a prime example, on 16 February 2025, Gruhonjić received seven frightening Facebook messages in a single day from different accounts. They include threats of sexual violence, as well as death threats, warning the journalist that his throat will soon be “cut” and his “bones will be broken”. Two of the messages also threatened to “destroy” the lives of Gruhonjić’s family members. The Safe Journalists Network (SJN), which has been closely following Gruhonjić’s case, reported similar threats the day before on its website. The offices of the NDNV have also been broken into recently, with no action taken by the authorities despite footage of the perpetrators.

Amidst increasing threats against journalists for reporting on student protests and political instability following the fatal collapse of the Novi Sad railway roof, pressures against Gruhonjić and his son, who is based in Croatia, have intensified. In this context, Gruhonjić saw no other choice but to seek protection for his son from the Croatian authorities.

The culture of impunity, deeply entrenched in Serbia, has made journalists distrust law enforcement authorities. Such an environment discourages reporting and goes a long way to legitimise such ad hominem attacks without fear of accountability. We will continue to closely monitor the situation in the country and provide support to journalists in need, as well as call for accountability from the authorities.

The undersigned organisations reiterate their full support for journalist Dinko Gruhonjić and once again urge the authorities, who are aware of all the threats and the identities of many of the perpetrators, to thoroughly investigate all threats and ensure justice without delay.

Signed by:

  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • Index on Censorship
  • Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
  • PEN International
  • International Federation of Journalists (IFJ)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Bosnia and Herzegovina: MFRR and SJN condemn adoption of…

MFRR and SJN condemn adoption of foreign agent legislation in Bosnia’s entity Republika Srpska

The Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) partners and SafeJournalists Network (SJN) strongly condemn the adoption of legislation in the Republika Srpska entity in Bosnia and Herzegovina which will establish a “special registry” of NGOs, many of which are independent media. 

05.03.2025

Viewed as retaliation against government critics, this law raises concerns about its potential use in labeling independent media and civil society organisations as foreign agents. Our coalition has long opposed the adoption of such legislation in Republika Srpska and now calls for the approved law to be immediately rescinded and for the international community to forcefully oppose the law.

 

On 27 February, Republika Srpska voted in the so-called “foreign agent law”, with the parliamentary majority. Previously announced by the entity’s president, Milorad Dodik, the law was introduced under an urgent procedure. The adopted law is the same as the one proposed in 2023, with only legal deadlines changed.

 

Following Dodik’s recent conviction by the State Court for separatist actions defying the international envoy overseeing peace in the country, Republika Srpska has initiated urgent adoption of the set of decisions and laws that aim to undermine state institutions, as well as to put pressure on independent media and civil society. 

 

The law regulates the permissible function and activities of NGOs who receive foreign funding, and subjects them to special registration and periodic reporting requirements. The text of the law that was previously made available as a draft to the MFRR delegation shows that the regulation establishes no minimum threshold of ‘foreign funding’. As such, NGOs would be required to regularly report on the sum and donor of the smallest contributions that they receive, which in itself imposes an onerous requirement that interferes with the daily work of civil society organisations. The law further bans NGOs, investigative media included, ‘political work’, and stipulates obligations to mark all NGO publications as ‘foreign agents.

 

The same day, the online media Capital.ba was raided by the local police, in an action resembling raids in neighbouring Serbia. The move has come in the midst of suspended US funding and increased tensions and pressures against media and civil society organisations across the region.

 

Foreign agent legislation adopted in Europe in recent years has had a detrimental impact on media freedoms, imposing a disproportionate administrative burden on independent media by attempting to control and reduce their funding, limiting their watchdog role by stigmatising their work, and in some cases pushing them into exile. This law in Republika Srpska has been opposed by the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), the Council of Europe’s Commissioner for Human Rights, OSCE/ODIHR and Venice Commission Joint Opinion, and three UN independent experts.

 

MFRR partners and SJN partners emphasise that the adoption of foreign agent laws, and the unjustified use of urgent procedures undermine democratic principles at their core, and are largely disproportionate. Such laws risk creating opportunities for greater arbitrary actions and politically motivated harassment against independent media. 

 

The undersigned organisations strongly urge Republika Srpska to halt the enactment of the foreign agent law and ultimately to repeal this law.

Signed by:

  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Article 19 Europe
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • Association of BH journalists
  • Association of Journalists of Kosovo
  • Association of Macedonian Journalists
  • Croatian Journalists’ Association
  • Independent Association of Journalists of Serbia
  • Media Union of Montenegro

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries.

Serbian penal code Library

Serbia: MFRR and SJN urgently call to stop targeting…

Serbia: MFRR and SJN urgently call to stop targeting and intimidating journalists

MFRR partners share a statement condemning the threats and attacks against journalists and media workers when covering demonstrations and protests in Germany, France, Slovenia, Greece, Spain, Poland and Italy. The MFRR calls for increased protection for media freedom across Europe from protestors, unknown 3rd parties and police officers to ensure they are free to continue their work informing the public.

In the aftermath of the deadly collapse of the roof of the Novi Sad railway station on 1 November 2024, journalists have come under unacceptable pressure while covering the tragic story and the subsequent protests. The majority of incidents logged on the Mapping Media Freedom platform are instances of verbal abuse and physical assault against journalists and media workers. Of the 22 incidents documented between November 2024 and February 2025, five attacks were initiated by state officials, including Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić and his ruling SNS party.

 

Some of the most serious attacks include a death threat sent to Ana Lalić Hegediš, the Executive Director of the Independent Journalists Association of Vojvodina (NDNV), on her Facebook page in November 2024. On 17 January 2025,  NDNV, whose premises had recently been broken into, reported that police had forcibly removed five journalists from the Novi Sad City Hall to prevent them from documenting an opposition-led protest from inside the building. 

 

On 15 February 2025, Ksenija Pavkov, N1 journalist, received death threats and abuse while reporting about an SNS rally in Sremska Mitrovica. On 24 February 2025, private security at the Novi Sad City Assembly – acting on the orders of Assembly President Dina Vučinić – searched journalists, restricted their movement, and locked them in a press room until the end of the conference.

 

Our organisations further note with alarm raids by Serbian police against non-governmental organisations (NGOs) critical of the government conducted on 25 February 2025. The government has portrayed what is happening in the country as a “coloured revolution”, with NGOs allegedly being paid by foreign states to destabilise the country. 

 

The Centre for Research, Transparency and Accountability (CRTA), which runs the fact-checking website Istinomer, an important source of verified information for Serbian citizens, was among the organisations raided without a warrant. These raids, based on unverified claims by individuals within the U.S government about alleged misuse of USAID funds, mark a new level of intimidation on those reporting the truth, with media outlets and media NGOs potentially next.

 

Such acts are a clear violation of press freedom and freedom of expression. They reflect an institutionalised landscape in which violence against journalists and activists is tolerated and encouraged by official rhetoric constantly portraying the press and NGOs as enemies of the state.

 

The MFRR and SJN call on the authorities to refrain from targeting the media and NGOs and to stop inciting hostility to prevent the safety of journalists from further deteriorating. The undersigned organisations also call for thorough and independent investigations into any violence against members of the press, including those allegedly perpetrated by police and private security agencies.

 

At a crucial time, when truth and accurate reporting are more vital than ever, the MFRR and the Safe Journalists Network will continue to closely monitor the developments in Serbia and stand in full solidarity with Serbian civil society and journalists targeted for reporting the truth.

Signed by:

Media Freedom Rapid Response

  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe 
  • Free Press Unlimited
  • International Press Institute (IPI)

 

SafeJournalists Network

  • Association of Journalists of Kosovo
  • Association of Macedonian Journalists
  • Association of BH journalists
  • Croatian Journalists’ Association
  • Independent Association of Journalists of Serbia
  • Media Union of Montenegro

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Georgia, protests and repression

Georgia, protests and repression

Georgia has been gripped by uninterrupted protests for more than two months now: there has been no shortage of violent acts by the police, arrests and strong censorship of media critical of the government. The case of journalist Mzia Amaghlobeli.

 

20/02/2025 –  Marilisa Lorusso

In Georgia, there have been more than seventy days of uninterrupted mobilisation, from massive crowds to more limited and category-based protests – over one hundred days if we consider the first wave, that is, the protest that started on October 28, when the preliminary results of the parliamentary vote on October 26 returned a picture considered not very credible.

 

In its fourth term and after months of heated criticism of the government, the Georgian Dream was declared the winner with 54% of the preferences by a central electoral committee largely reshuffled during the last term and purged of opposition elements. This first wave saw the mobilisation of the opposition and students, mainly in Tbilisi and Batumi.

 

The second wave – with a much larger and wider participation – began on November 28, and is still ongoing. On this date, the Prime Minister appointed by the Georgian Dream, Irakli Kobakhidze, declared the suspension of negotiations for integration into the European Union until 2028.

 

It should be emphasised that, despite the terrible relations it has established with Western partners, and with the European Union in particular, the Georgian Dream has never declared that it does not have entry into the Union as its goal. On the contrary, it has built an entire reality – parallel to what is happening in bilateral relations – on the actual advancement of the position in the country and has promised its electorate entry into the EU in 2030.

 

Obviously, a suspension of negotiations and then entry within two years is an unbelievable plan, which has produced a wave of uninterrupted and widespread mobilisations that are unprecedented in the history of the country. Protests have been marked by extremely violent repressive actions.

The media

The parallel reality of the Dream propaganda is built on careful and coordinated control over information. The main protagonists of this campaign are the Imedi television channel and the public broadcaster of Georgia, which however usually has a smaller audience.

 

While the former interviewed several protesters, the latter was the object of heated controversy and pickets by the protesters who managed to obtain some visibility, sacrificed to the night hours, which did not satisfy their demands.

 

Censorship of the information sphere close to the opposition began with the Law on foreign agents last spring, which could be considered at the time as the final act of a path of repression that characterised the relations of the governing party and the non-aligned media.

 

In fact, the current government has created a new repressive and regulatory framework that should further silence dissident voices.

 

Journalists have been targeted. Some have been arrested or detained, together with hundreds of others who have already been convicted or are awaiting trial. Many show signs of violence and/or torture.

 

Among the media workers in this situation, the fate of Mzia Amaghlobeli has caused particular outrage and concern.

 

Amaghlobeli is a journalist, co-founder and director of the online media Batumelebi and Netgazeti, two media that have covered the protests with maximum visibility, both in Batumi, the second epicentre of the protests, and in Tbilisi.

 

On January 12, during a protest and after having previously been detained, Mzia Amaghlobeli was arrested on charges of slapping the Batumi police chief, Irakli Dgebuadze.

 

The incident followed a tense situation characterised by heavy verbal abuse by Dgebuadze, who then took revenge during the arrest by denying the journalist access to water and the bathroom. Amaghlobeli has been in pre-trial detention since January 14. The article she was charged with carries a prison sentence of four to seven years.

 

Amaghlobeli is now engaged in a hunger strike that is undermining her health, and it has become necessary to transfer her to a clinic. In solidarity with the journalist, other prisoners have started their own hunger strike.

 

According to Transparency International Georgia , an NGO also in the eye of the regime’s storm: “It is clear that Mzia Amaghlobeli is not being punished for having committed an act of grave danger, but for having denounced the corruption of the regime and its involvement in illegal activities over the years. It can therefore be said that Mzia Amaghlobeli is a political prisoner, according to the definition established by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe”.

Hungary and Italy

In the meantime, Georgia has left that very assembly.

 

Behind the Dream’s propaganda, the regime is increasingly isolated. The new government and the new president have received recognition from few countries, including neighbouring Iran, Turkey, Armenia and Azerbaijan.

 

The Dream had hoped for a change of administration in Washington to support its legitimacy, but at Donald Trump’s inauguration the only person present was outgoing president Salome Zourabishvili, at the invitation of Senator Joe Wilson, a Republican and a great supporter of the sanctions against the Dream.

 

Numerous sanctions have been imposed on the government team, including suspended diplomatic visas to Europe, with some European countries taking the initiative to also impose numerous bilateral measures to suspend collaboration and sanctions against individuals.

 

The exception is Hungary which, in stark contrast with EU foreign policy, fully recognises the Dream’s government.

 

Italy has followed in Hungary’s steps. Ambassador Massimiliano D’Antuono met with the Foreign Minister nominated and elected by the Dream to discuss bilateral relations, the importance of collaboration within international forums, national developments, regional and global challenges and future prospects, thus legitimising the government of the Dream and breaking the common European front.

 

This was denied in the debate of the foreign affairs committees of the Italian parliament, during which Italy’s alignment with the European position and condemnation of the repression and violence in Georgia were emphasised.

 

However, it remains an act for internal use, which is issued when the Italian embassy had already officially circulated a message fully cooperative with the Dream’s government.

Event

The State of Media Freedom in 2024: 1548 attacks…

The State of Media Freedom in 2024: 1548 attacks against the press in Europe in a year

04 March, 14:00 CET

The annual Monitoring Report by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) has documented 1,548 press freedom violations in 2024. The report offers insights into the press freedom situation in 35 European countries including the 27 EU Member States and nine EU candidate countries. In this webinar, the Monitoring Officers of contributing organisations European Centre for Press and Media Freedom, European Federation of Journalists and the International Press Institute will zoom in on the developments in four select countries – Italy, France, Ukraine and Georgia – and spotlight three worrying trends observed in 2024: Elections, Environmental Reporting, and Spoofing.

 

Join us on March 4 to discuss an overview of the report with a special focus on Georgia, Italy, Ukraine, France as well as thematic topics such as elections, spoofing and environmental reporting in 2024.

Register here

Moderator

Gürkan Özturan

Monitoring Officer, European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)

Speakers

Cara Räker

Monitoring Officer, European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)

Camille Magnissalis

Press Freedom Monitoring and Communications Officer, the European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)

Ronja Koskinen

Press Freedom Officer, International Press institute (IPI)

Karol Łuczka

Eastern Europe Advocacy Officer, International Press Institute (IPI)

Teona Sekhniashvili

Europe Network and Advocacy Officer, International Press Institute (IPI)

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Lithuania: Media freedom groups warn LRT audit risks threatening…

Lithuania: Media freedom groups warn LRT audit risks threatening editorial independence

The undersigned international media freedom and journalist groups today raise concerns over a planned “political neutrality” audit recently approved by the supervisory body of the Lithuanian National Radio and Television (LRT) and warn that the measure could negatively affect editorial independence at the public broadcaster.

Our organisations jointly question the need for such an action by the LRT Council and warn that rather than improve political neutrality it could instead lead to self-censorship by journalists and management at the broadcaster. As press freedom organisations working at the EU level, we note that this specific type of internal audit procedure into political neutrality would have little precedence, posing serious questions over its purpose and motive.

 

The LRT Council voted in favour of conducting the audit in December 2024 and tasked the LRT’s internal auditor to assess the adherence of journalists working at the broadcaster to principles of political neutrality in news reporting, content creation and management. Plans for the audit moved forward in February, though few details have so far been made public.

 

After assessing the proposal, on a practical level our organisations are concerned about both the scope and feasibility of such an audit, as well as under what specific methodology and criteria it would be carried out, in what form potential issues would be reported, what potential outcomes or repercussions there could be for staff, and what options there would be for appeals against accusations of political bias. Overall, the audit risks increasing pressures on journalists, potentially leading to self-censorship and potentially eroding editorial independence.

 

Furthermore, it is our view that the existing self-regulatory mechanisms and oversight bodies in place at LRT are more than sufficient for upholding professional standards. The LRT Act already regulates the political neutrality of the broadcaster; the Code of Ethics for Public Information likewise provides guidelines for journalistic neutrality; and the LRT self-regulatory journalists’ ethics commission offers an adequate mechanism for addressing such issues internally.

 

These same concerns have already been expressed across the journalistic community in Lithuania, including from the Association of Professional Journalists, the Chair of the Lithuanian Journalists’ Union, the Director General of LRT, and a group of 60 journalists working at the broadcaster, as well as members of the LRT Council themselves, including its own Chair. Concerns have even been raised about such an audit from LRT’s Head of the Internal Audit Service, who has recommended that the Council should not move forward with the procedure.

 

We further note with concern that the recent meeting of the LRT Council with LRT journalists on February 20 was not attended by those individual Council members who initiated and supported the audit, demonstrating a lack of transparency and a bad-faith approach to discussions.

 

While our organisations do recognise the need for interaction between the LRT Council and the broadcaster it oversees regarding the respect of its legal and ethical obligations, we believe that in its current form the proposed audit represents a misguided and unnecessary approach which could end up doing more harm than good.

 

We therefore call on the LRT Council to reconsider its proposed audit. The Council should also clearly communicate its motives and all next steps with LRT management and staff and remain open to engagement with national and international journalistic bodies.

 

Moving forward, our organisations will be sending our statement to the Office of the President of Lithuania, the Ministry of Culture and to the LRT Council to raise these concerns directly. We continue to support strong and independent public broadcasting in Lithuania and will continue to monitor the situation closely in the coming months and respond to further developments.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Reporters Without Borders (RSF)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries and Ukraine.