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Serbia: One year of unpunished attacks on journalist Dinko…

Serbia: One year of unpunished attacks on journalist Dinko Gruhonjić, the culture of impunity must end

The members of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) consortium and partner organisations of the Council of Europe’s Safety of Journalists Platform are deeply concerned about the ongoing year-long persecution campaign against journalist Dinko Gruhonjić, programme Director of the Independent Association of Journalists of Vojvodina (NDNV) and Associate Professor at the Department of Media Studies at the Faculty of Philosophy in Novi Sad.

14.03.2025

Fifteen attacks against Dinko Gruhonjić have been documented on the MFRR platform since 14 March 2024, when a manipulated video was released falsely portraying him as a political opponent. The majority of these attacks (80%) were threatening and intimidating, including an unprecedented level of death threats sent online and written on his house. Smear campaigns by media tabloids were further amplified by public figures with close ties to the government. The video has been used numerous times to discredit the journalist’s work, including by former Prime Minister Vučević, who stepped down. Gruhonjić has experienced a hostile climate at the Novi Sad University, where his students have also been threatened. In addition, Gruhonjić faced two criminal complaints for ‘hate speech’, along with NDNV President Ana Lalić Hegediš, who was sent death threats as well.

“For 15 days, I became the ‘main story’ on regime-controlled media, effectively the subject of a ‘manhunt’. For the first time in my 35 years of living in Novi Sad, strangers confronted and insulted me on the street, and I faced direct physical threats. Despite this, the Serbian police have provided no protection,” said Dinko Gruhonjić for the 2024 Europe Press Freedom Report of the Council of Europe’s Safety of Journalists Platform.

One year later, alarmingly, none of the threats reported to the Special Prosecutor’s Office for High-Tech Crimes (VTK) has been prosecuted, and the threats persist.

As a prime example, on 16 February 2025, Gruhonjić received seven frightening Facebook messages in a single day from different accounts. They include threats of sexual violence, as well as death threats, warning the journalist that his throat will soon be “cut” and his “bones will be broken”. Two of the messages also threatened to “destroy” the lives of Gruhonjić’s family members. The Safe Journalists Network (SJN), which has been closely following Gruhonjić’s case, reported similar threats the day before on its website. The offices of the NDNV have also been broken into recently, with no action taken by the authorities despite footage of the perpetrators.

Amidst increasing threats against journalists for reporting on student protests and political instability following the fatal collapse of the Novi Sad railway roof, pressures against Gruhonjić and his son, who is based in Croatia, have intensified. In this context, Gruhonjić saw no other choice but to seek protection for his son from the Croatian authorities.

The culture of impunity, deeply entrenched in Serbia, has made journalists distrust law enforcement authorities. Such an environment discourages reporting and goes a long way to legitimise such ad hominem attacks without fear of accountability. We will continue to closely monitor the situation in the country and provide support to journalists in need, as well as call for accountability from the authorities.

The undersigned organisations reiterate their full support for journalist Dinko Gruhonjić and once again urge the authorities, who are aware of all the threats and the identities of many of the perpetrators, to thoroughly investigate all threats and ensure justice without delay.

Signed by:

  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • Index on Censorship
  • Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
  • PEN International
  • International Federation of Journalists (IFJ)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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TikTok ban in Albania threatens freedom of expression ahead…

SafeJournalists Network and Media Freedom Rapid Response: TikTok ban in Albania threatens freedom of expression ahead of general elections

SafeJournalists Network (SJN), the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) partners, and civil society organisations express serious concern regarding the Albanian Council of Ministers’ decision on March 6, 2025, to suspend nationwide access to the TikTok platform for 12 months. While we acknowledge the government’s stated intention to protect children from harmful content and safeguard personal data, we strongly underline that such protective measures must fully respect fundamental human rights, particularly freedom of expression, access to information, and due process.

11.03.2025

Freedom of Expression and Proportionality

We emphasise that a total platform ban represents an extreme restriction of the right to freedom of expression and access to information. An outright suspension of an entire platform significantly exceeds proportionality, impacting the legitimate expression of all users and restricting public debate and access to diverse sources of information.

Alternative targeted solutions, such as robust content moderation, age verification, and enhanced user education programs, should have been fully explored prior to introducing a total ban. This measure’s overly broad nature sets a dangerous precedent for disproportionate state interference with digital rights.

As an EU candidate country, Albania is expected to uphold European standards on rule of law and fundamental freedoms. The EU’s Digital Services Act (DSA) framework emphasises platform accountability and content moderation transparency with a risk-based and proportionate approach. The DSA favours holding platforms accountable for managing risks on their services rather than punishing users by shutting the services down. We encourage Albania to align its approach with this paradigm. 

Democratic and Electoral Concerns

With parliamentary elections approaching in May 2025, the timing of this suspension is particularly troubling. TikTok has become an emerging platform for political communication and voter engagement, especially for young people, first-time voters, and newly formed political parties and movements, who have argued that they will be disproportionately impacted. By limiting access to this platform, the government risks suppressing these emerging voices, diminishing political pluralism, and creating a chilling effect that may extend beyond TikTok users, affecting journalists, content creators, civil society activists, and civic watchdogs. 

Due Process and Transparency

We note that the decision follows Prime Minister Rama’s public announcement in December 2024 indicating consultations with selected parents and educators. However, there remains insufficient publicly available evidence on these consultations’ scope, representativeness, and outcomes. We emphasise that decisions of this scale and significance should be based on thorough, transparent, and inclusive consultations involving civil society organisations, media organisations, industry, digital rights advocates, and affected communities. 

Risks of Setting a Dangerous  Precedent

We express concern that implementing a platform-wide ban creates a troubling precedent for Albania and the region. When governments claim broad authority to shut down popular platforms due to content concerns, they risk opening the door to further restrictions, threatening internet freedom more broadly. We urge the Albanian authorities to avoid establishing such a precedent, ensuring that future content issues are addressed through targeted, evidence-based, and proportionate measures.

Recommendations

We call on the Albanian government to immediately revoke the suspension of TikTok and initiate an inclusive and transparent consultation process involving parliament, civil society, media organisations, digital rights advocates, and international partners. This consultation should aim to develop a proportionate and evidence-based regulatory framework in line with European standards, particularly the EU’s Digital Services Act (DSA). This approach will enable Albania to effectively address legitimate concerns about child safety and data privacy, while fully safeguarding freedom of expression, democratic discourse, and due process—especially critical in the context of the upcoming elections.

Signed by:

SafeJournalists Network

  • Association of BH journalists
  • Association of Journalists of Kosovo
  • Association of Macedonian Journalists
  • Croatian Journalists’ Association
  • Independent Journalists’ Association of Serbia
  • Trade Union of Media of Montenegro

Media Freedom Rapid Response partners:

  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)

Civil society organisations in Albania:

  • Center Science and Innovation for Development (SCiDEV)
  • Association of Journalists of Albania (AGSH-AJA)
  • Albanian Center for Quality Journalism (ACQJ)
  • Balkan Investigative Reporting Network in Albania (BIRN Albania)
  • Albanian Media Council
  • Res Publica
  • Citizens.al
  • Albanian Center MediaLook
  • Institute for Democracy and Mediation (IDM)
  • Center for the Protection of Children’s Rights in Albania (CRCA-ECPAT)

This statement was coordinated by the SafeJournalists Network and joined by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Georgia: Independent Journalism and Media Pluralism on the Brink

Georgia: Independent Journalism and Media Pluralism on the Brink

MFRR Partners warn that a new wave of repressive legislation threatens Georgian independent journalism with imminent extinction.

10.03.2025

We, the undersigned press freedom, journalists, and freedom of expression organisations, express deep concern over the recently proposed legislation, increasing threats to journalists’ safety, and the broader decline of media freedom in Georgia. We urge the international community, especially the European Union (EU), to address the ruling Georgian Dream (GD) party and support Georgia’s embattled independent media sector.

On 24 February 2025, the Georgian Dream ruling party and its satellite party People’s Power introduced amendments to the Law on Broadcasting, strengthening the censorship powers of the broadcast regulator and restricting “foreign powers” from funding broadcasters or co-financing programmes. A “foreign power” is broadly defined, and includes foreign governments, non-citizens, and foreign based organisations. 

The amendments expand the  powers  of the Georgian National Communications Commission (GNCC) to regulate factual accuracy, fairness, and privacy, previously overseen through self regulation. The GNCC will be able to issue penalties of up to 3% of annual revenue or even revoke a broadcaster’s license for breaching the new rules These changes will empower the GNCC to act as the government’s censor to silence critical media outlets.

On March 3, the Parliament’s Legal Affairs Committee passed the first reading  of a new version of the “Foreign Agent Law,” entitled the “Foreign Agents Registration Act,” which could impose fines of up to $10,000 or imprisonment of up to five years for non-compliance.

According to the GD party, the legislation is a “Georgian translation” of the U.S. FARA law. The explanatory note attached to the draft law states that the primary reason for introducing a ‘precise analogue’ of FARA is that the majority of civil society organisations receiving foreign funding have refused to register under the existing foreign agents law, adopted in May 2024, titled the “Law on Transparency of Foreign Influence.”

Unlike Georgia’s legislation, which broadly targets media and NGOs, the U.S. FARA was adopted in 1938 to regulate lobbying for foreign adversaries, such as Nazi Germany. The scope of the US FARA has been significantly limited through case law and has been rarely employed beyond requiring the registration of foreign lobbyists.

While the Georgian draft includes exemptions such as broadcasting networks, and scientific, academic, religious, educational, and artistic activities, its scope is likely to be applied much more broadly, including media, due to a highly politicised administration and the absence of judicial independence.

Without the usual democratic safeguards these laws are likely to be weaponized to silence the government’s critics. 

The current “Transparency of Foreign Influence” law already empowers the Ministry of Justice to conduct investigations into organisations in receipt of foreign grants, allowing for direct interference in the activities of independent media, many of which rely heavily on foreign grants. 

These legal initiatives are part of a comprehensive government crackdown on the media over the past year that has seen the rapid deterioration of press freedom and of targeted violence against journalists, amid a broader democratic backsliding. 

Since the start of the post-election protests in November 2024 dozens of journalists have been viciously beaten, verbally assaulted, threatened, and detained. Their equipment has been confiscated and destroyed, and their reporting has been repeatedly obstructed.

Meanwhile, Mzia Amaglobeli, a veteran Georgian journalist and the founder and director of two of the country’s most prominent independent media organisations, has been unjustly held in pre-trial detention since her arrest in early January. 

The Georgian Public Broadcaster (GPB), which has long been an instrument of the Georgian Dream government, has suppressed efforts by journalists who try to report free of political control.

The extensive capture of political institutions including the judiciary means that impunity for crimes against journalists remains widespread, with investigations often being insufficient and perpetrators rarely held accountable, particularly those from the police. 

In addition, amendments to the Code of Administrative Offences and the Law on Assemblies and Demonstrations, adopted in a rushed manner,  introduce harsher penalties and significantly higher fines for administrative offences, further undermining and restricting the freedom of assembly and expression.

The deterioration of press freedom in Georgia, amid rising authoritarianism, is extremely alarming—and, if continued, will have wider implications for democracy in the region. 

We urge the Georgian government to stop the persecution of independent newsrooms and media professionals. We further reiterate our call to the European Union to place effective pressure on the Georgian Dream ruling party to withdraw the new legislation impacting media and halt the broader crackdown on journalism and civil society.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Bosnia and Herzegovina: MFRR and SJN condemn adoption of…

MFRR and SJN condemn adoption of foreign agent legislation in Bosnia’s entity Republika Srpska

The Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) partners and SafeJournalists Network (SJN) strongly condemn the adoption of legislation in the Republika Srpska entity in Bosnia and Herzegovina which will establish a “special registry” of NGOs, many of which are independent media. 

05.03.2025

Viewed as retaliation against government critics, this law raises concerns about its potential use in labeling independent media and civil society organisations as foreign agents. Our coalition has long opposed the adoption of such legislation in Republika Srpska and now calls for the approved law to be immediately rescinded and for the international community to forcefully oppose the law.

 

On 27 February, Republika Srpska voted in the so-called “foreign agent law”, with the parliamentary majority. Previously announced by the entity’s president, Milorad Dodik, the law was introduced under an urgent procedure. The adopted law is the same as the one proposed in 2023, with only legal deadlines changed.

 

Following Dodik’s recent conviction by the State Court for separatist actions defying the international envoy overseeing peace in the country, Republika Srpska has initiated urgent adoption of the set of decisions and laws that aim to undermine state institutions, as well as to put pressure on independent media and civil society. 

 

The law regulates the permissible function and activities of NGOs who receive foreign funding, and subjects them to special registration and periodic reporting requirements. The text of the law that was previously made available as a draft to the MFRR delegation shows that the regulation establishes no minimum threshold of ‘foreign funding’. As such, NGOs would be required to regularly report on the sum and donor of the smallest contributions that they receive, which in itself imposes an onerous requirement that interferes with the daily work of civil society organisations. The law further bans NGOs, investigative media included, ‘political work’, and stipulates obligations to mark all NGO publications as ‘foreign agents.

 

The same day, the online media Capital.ba was raided by the local police, in an action resembling raids in neighbouring Serbia. The move has come in the midst of suspended US funding and increased tensions and pressures against media and civil society organisations across the region.

 

Foreign agent legislation adopted in Europe in recent years has had a detrimental impact on media freedoms, imposing a disproportionate administrative burden on independent media by attempting to control and reduce their funding, limiting their watchdog role by stigmatising their work, and in some cases pushing them into exile. This law in Republika Srpska has been opposed by the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), the Council of Europe’s Commissioner for Human Rights, OSCE/ODIHR and Venice Commission Joint Opinion, and three UN independent experts.

 

MFRR partners and SJN partners emphasise that the adoption of foreign agent laws, and the unjustified use of urgent procedures undermine democratic principles at their core, and are largely disproportionate. Such laws risk creating opportunities for greater arbitrary actions and politically motivated harassment against independent media. 

 

The undersigned organisations strongly urge Republika Srpska to halt the enactment of the foreign agent law and ultimately to repeal this law.

Signed by:

  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Article 19 Europe
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • Association of BH journalists
  • Association of Journalists of Kosovo
  • Association of Macedonian Journalists
  • Croatian Journalists’ Association
  • Independent Association of Journalists of Serbia
  • Media Union of Montenegro

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries.

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Serbia: MFRR and SJN urgently call to stop targeting…

Serbia: MFRR and SJN urgently call to stop targeting and intimidating journalists

MFRR partners share a statement condemning the threats and attacks against journalists and media workers when covering demonstrations and protests in Germany, France, Slovenia, Greece, Spain, Poland and Italy. The MFRR calls for increased protection for media freedom across Europe from protestors, unknown 3rd parties and police officers to ensure they are free to continue their work informing the public.

In the aftermath of the deadly collapse of the roof of the Novi Sad railway station on 1 November 2024, journalists have come under unacceptable pressure while covering the tragic story and the subsequent protests. The majority of incidents logged on the Mapping Media Freedom platform are instances of verbal abuse and physical assault against journalists and media workers. Of the 22 incidents documented between November 2024 and February 2025, five attacks were initiated by state officials, including Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić and his ruling SNS party.

 

Some of the most serious attacks include a death threat sent to Ana Lalić Hegediš, the Executive Director of the Independent Journalists Association of Vojvodina (NDNV), on her Facebook page in November 2024. On 17 January 2025,  NDNV, whose premises had recently been broken into, reported that police had forcibly removed five journalists from the Novi Sad City Hall to prevent them from documenting an opposition-led protest from inside the building. 

 

On 15 February 2025, Ksenija Pavkov, N1 journalist, received death threats and abuse while reporting about an SNS rally in Sremska Mitrovica. On 24 February 2025, private security at the Novi Sad City Assembly – acting on the orders of Assembly President Dina Vučinić – searched journalists, restricted their movement, and locked them in a press room until the end of the conference.

 

Our organisations further note with alarm raids by Serbian police against non-governmental organisations (NGOs) critical of the government conducted on 25 February 2025. The government has portrayed what is happening in the country as a “coloured revolution”, with NGOs allegedly being paid by foreign states to destabilise the country. 

 

The Centre for Research, Transparency and Accountability (CRTA), which runs the fact-checking website Istinomer, an important source of verified information for Serbian citizens, was among the organisations raided without a warrant. These raids, based on unverified claims by individuals within the U.S government about alleged misuse of USAID funds, mark a new level of intimidation on those reporting the truth, with media outlets and media NGOs potentially next.

 

Such acts are a clear violation of press freedom and freedom of expression. They reflect an institutionalised landscape in which violence against journalists and activists is tolerated and encouraged by official rhetoric constantly portraying the press and NGOs as enemies of the state.

 

The MFRR and SJN call on the authorities to refrain from targeting the media and NGOs and to stop inciting hostility to prevent the safety of journalists from further deteriorating. The undersigned organisations also call for thorough and independent investigations into any violence against members of the press, including those allegedly perpetrated by police and private security agencies.

 

At a crucial time, when truth and accurate reporting are more vital than ever, the MFRR and the Safe Journalists Network will continue to closely monitor the developments in Serbia and stand in full solidarity with Serbian civil society and journalists targeted for reporting the truth.

Signed by:

Media Freedom Rapid Response

  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe 
  • Free Press Unlimited
  • International Press Institute (IPI)

 

SafeJournalists Network

  • Association of Journalists of Kosovo
  • Association of Macedonian Journalists
  • Association of BH journalists
  • Croatian Journalists’ Association
  • Independent Association of Journalists of Serbia
  • Media Union of Montenegro

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Lithuania: Media freedom groups warn LRT audit risks threatening…

Lithuania: Media freedom groups warn LRT audit risks threatening editorial independence

The undersigned international media freedom and journalist groups today raise concerns over a planned “political neutrality” audit recently approved by the supervisory body of the Lithuanian National Radio and Television (LRT) and warn that the measure could negatively affect editorial independence at the public broadcaster.

Our organisations jointly question the need for such an action by the LRT Council and warn that rather than improve political neutrality it could instead lead to self-censorship by journalists and management at the broadcaster. As press freedom organisations working at the EU level, we note that this specific type of internal audit procedure into political neutrality would have little precedence, posing serious questions over its purpose and motive.

 

The LRT Council voted in favour of conducting the audit in December 2024 and tasked the LRT’s internal auditor to assess the adherence of journalists working at the broadcaster to principles of political neutrality in news reporting, content creation and management. Plans for the audit moved forward in February, though few details have so far been made public.

 

After assessing the proposal, on a practical level our organisations are concerned about both the scope and feasibility of such an audit, as well as under what specific methodology and criteria it would be carried out, in what form potential issues would be reported, what potential outcomes or repercussions there could be for staff, and what options there would be for appeals against accusations of political bias. Overall, the audit risks increasing pressures on journalists, potentially leading to self-censorship and potentially eroding editorial independence.

 

Furthermore, it is our view that the existing self-regulatory mechanisms and oversight bodies in place at LRT are more than sufficient for upholding professional standards. The LRT Act already regulates the political neutrality of the broadcaster; the Code of Ethics for Public Information likewise provides guidelines for journalistic neutrality; and the LRT self-regulatory journalists’ ethics commission offers an adequate mechanism for addressing such issues internally.

 

These same concerns have already been expressed across the journalistic community in Lithuania, including from the Association of Professional Journalists, the Chair of the Lithuanian Journalists’ Union, the Director General of LRT, and a group of 60 journalists working at the broadcaster, as well as members of the LRT Council themselves, including its own Chair. Concerns have even been raised about such an audit from LRT’s Head of the Internal Audit Service, who has recommended that the Council should not move forward with the procedure.

 

We further note with concern that the recent meeting of the LRT Council with LRT journalists on February 20 was not attended by those individual Council members who initiated and supported the audit, demonstrating a lack of transparency and a bad-faith approach to discussions.

 

While our organisations do recognise the need for interaction between the LRT Council and the broadcaster it oversees regarding the respect of its legal and ethical obligations, we believe that in its current form the proposed audit represents a misguided and unnecessary approach which could end up doing more harm than good.

 

We therefore call on the LRT Council to reconsider its proposed audit. The Council should also clearly communicate its motives and all next steps with LRT management and staff and remain open to engagement with national and international journalistic bodies.

 

Moving forward, our organisations will be sending our statement to the Office of the President of Lithuania, the Ministry of Culture and to the LRT Council to raise these concerns directly. We continue to support strong and independent public broadcasting in Lithuania and will continue to monitor the situation closely in the coming months and respond to further developments.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Reporters Without Borders (RSF)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries and Ukraine.

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Ukraine: MFRR partners stand with journalists, 3 years since…

Ukraine: MFRR partners stand with journalists, 3 years since start of full-scale invasion

On 24 February 2025, Ukraine marks three years since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion. While the current scale of Russian attacks against journalists cannot be compared to that at the start of the war, they remain worryingly high and persistent.

Over the past two years, Ukraine has seen fewer cases of journalists killed coming under fire while reporting in Ukraine, however the number of media workers wounded while covering the war remains high.

 

In 2024, the media community reported two more losses: Victoria Roshchyna, a freelance journalist who died in Russian captivity, in which she had been held since 2023, and Ryan Evans, a Reuters security officer who was with his media crew in the eastern city of Kramatorsk when a Russian missile hit their hotel.

 

According to MFRR monitoring data, 16 other journalists were wounded as a result of Russian attacks in 2024, in comparison to 14 in 2023 and 24 in 2022.

 

MFRR partners also highlight their concern for at least 20 Ukrainian journalists who continue to be held in unclear conditions by Russian occupying authorities, in Crimea, Zaporizhia and Kherson regions.

 

This worry is only strengthened by the unexplained death of Victoria Roshchyna in Russian custody. The lack of information about the whereabouts and conditions of these journalists increases fears about their health and wellbeing.

 

Other issues facing Ukrainian journalists include attacks on media infrastructure, cyber attacks, as well as surveillance and threats by Ukrainian authorities. More details on these challenges can be found in the IPI report “Under Attack: Press freedom three years since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine”.

 

Ukrainian media also face a new wave of uncertainty following the suspension of U.S. government foreign assistance in January. A number of Ukrainian media, especially at the regional and local level, have relied on foreign assistance to continue their work following the full-scale invasion, which severely impacted local sources of revenue such as advertising.

 

As a result of the funding freeze, dozens of outlets are facing possible closure, and have had to resort to staff suspensions or dismissals to survive. Given the continued challenges for the sector, MFRR partners continue to urge international donors, including the EU, to provide vital and urgently needed support for those Ukrainian media that are currently in crisis.

 

Despite persistent and intense attacks on media and press freedom, Ukrainian independent media continue to do their work while facing serious safety risks and threats, psychological cost, and continued economic pressures.

 

In this context, MFRR partners continue to stand with Ukrainian journalists, who serve as a source of inspiration to journalists across Europe by continuing to do their job in such conditions.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • ARTICLE 19 EUROPE
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries and Ukraine.

Candles are placed during a march in memory of murdered Slovak journalist Jan Kuciak and his fiancee Martina Kusnirova. Library

Slovakia: Media freedom under threat on seventh anniversary of…

Slovakia: Media freedom under threat on seventh anniversary of Ján Kuciak murder

On the seventh anniversary of the murder of Slovak investigative journalist Ján Kuciak and his fiancée Martina Kušnírová, the partner organisations of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) today mark the date with the publication of a new report examining ongoing threats to media freedom and the safety of journalists.

MFRR partners take this opportunity to remember Ján and Martina, renew our call for full justice over their brutal killing, and call on Slovak authorities to ensure that the mastermind behind the assassination is ultimately prosecuted and convicted. Until all those involved in the February 2018 murder are held accountable and the cycle of impunity is finally broken, a dark cloud will continue to hang over the wider climate for press freedom in Slovakia.

 

On February 21, 2018, Kuciak and Kušnírová were fatally shot at their home outside the capital Bratislava. Kuciak was well known for his reporting on corruption for investigative platform Aktuality.sk. He uncovered alleged corruption and tax fraud schemes involving businessman Marián Kočner and prominent figures with suspected ties to the ruling Smer-SSD and organised crime groups.

 

Despite the hitmen and intermediaries receiving lengthy prison sentences, Kočner, who was accused of masterminding the crime after threatening the journalist, has been twice found not guilty due to a lack of conclusive evidence. Following Kocner’s second acquittal in May 2023, a second appeal remains underway at the Supreme Court, which our organisations continue to follow closely.

 

As the report published today underscores, this continued failure to fully resolve the murders remains a stark reminder of the dangers faced by journalists in Slovakia, where media workers continue to be subjected to intimidation, smear campaigns, verbal abuse and legal harassment. More widely, the media landscape in Slovakia is facing a crisis, serving as a critical test case for the European Union’s commitment to safeguarding media freedom and democratic values. 

 

Representatives of the MFRR partner the International Press Institute (IPI) will be in Bratislava on February 21 to take part in commemoration events for the anniversary. The MFRR continues to stand with the families of Ján Kuciak and Martina Kušnírová, and all those fighting to ensure full justice in this case, now and as long as it takes to secure accountability.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries and Ukraine.

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Georgia: Free Mzia Today

Free Mzia Today

The undersigned journalists, newsrooms, press freedom advocates, human rights defenders, and journalists’ organisations, call upon the Georgian authorities to immediately release veteran journalist Mzia Amaglobeli, who has been on hunger strike for five weeks since her arrest in early January.

As of February 18, Mzia announced an end to the hunger strike after doctors warned that she faced an imminent threat to her life.

 

On January 11, amid a government crackdown on pro-democracy protests, Mzia was arrested on  disproportionate charges of assaulting a police officer – a charge carrying up to seven years in prison – following an altercation with a police chief in Batumi. She has since been unjustly held in pre-trial detention where she decided to refuse food in protest against her mistreatment and against the wider crackdown in Georgia.

 

On February 4, Mzia was transferred to a hospital where doctors warned she would soon go into organ failure. The court hearing to review Mzia’s detention is  scheduled for March 4. 

 

Mzia faces a long rehabilitation to regain her health and must not be returned to prison. 

 

Mzia is the founder and director of Batumelebi and Netgazeti, two of Georgia’s most popular and respected online news portals covering corruption and abuse of power. Throughout her career, Mzia has shown exemplary courage and a steadfast commitment to defending democratic values, press freedom, and journalists’ rights.

 

Mzia’s arrest comes during a brutal suppression of the democracy protests and escalating attacks against independent journalists.

 

Mzia sent the following message from her prison cell:

“These processes have been unfolding over the past year and are embedding themselves into our daily lives as a dictatorship. Freedom is far more valuable than life, and it is at stake. Fight before it is too late […] I will not bow to this regime. I will not play by its rules.”

 

The Georgian authorities must release Mzia immediately, drop the disproportionate charges against her, and conduct an independent investigation into the allegations of mistreatment against her.

 

We stand by Mzia Amaglobeli, her colleagues at Batumelebi and Netgazeti, and all independent journalists of Georgia.

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Signed by:

Organizations:

  1. International Press Institute (IPI) 
  2. Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  3. European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  4. European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  5. Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  6. Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)
  7. International Federation for Human Rights 
  8. Media Diversity Institute Global
  9. Society of Journalists (TD), Poland
  10. Justice for Journalists Foundation
  11. National Union of Journalists of Ukraine (NUJU), Ukraine
  12. Journalists Union of Serbia / SINOS, Serbia
  13. Association of Journalists of Kosovo (AGK), Kosovo
  14. Independent Trade Union of Journalists and Media Workers (SSNM), North Macedonia
  15. The Belarusian Association of Journalists (BAJ), Belarus
  16. Association of Journalists (GCD), Türkiye
  17. The  Georgian Charter of Journalistic Ethics
  18. Trade Union of Croatian Journalists (TUCJ), Croatia
  19. Center for Media, Information and Social Research (CMIS), Georgia
  20. Independent Journalists’ Association of Serbia (IJAS), Serbia
  21. Hungarian Press Union (HPU), Hungary
  22. Studio Monitor (Georgia)
  23. Association luxembourgeoise des journalistes professionnels (ALJP), Luxembourg
  24. Association of Polish Journalists (SDP), Poland
  25. Independent Association of Georgian Journalists (IAGJ), Georgia
  26. South East Europe Media Organisation (SEEMO) 
  27. Transparency International Georgia (TIG)
  28. Granski sindikat kulture, umetnosti i medija ,,Nezavisnost“ (GS KUM  “Nezavisnost”), Serbia
  29. Maisi News (Georgia)  
  30. TV PIRVELI – (GEORGIA)
  31. Agrupación de Periodistas FSC-CCOO, Spain
  32. Media Diversity Institute  (MDI)
  33. Reporters without Borders (Reporters sans frontières)
  34. Muwatin Media Network 
  35. Media Ombudsman (Georgia)
  36. Institute for Reporters Freedom and Safety (IRFS)
  37. Media April (Georgia)
  38. Public Record (Romania) 
  39. Media and Journalism Research Center (MJRC)
  40. Caucasus Open Space (Georgia)
  41. Asociacja Human Constanta International
  42. IFEX
  43. PumaPodcast, Philippines
  44. Somali Journalists Syndicate (SJS)
  45. The Fix Media
  46. Human Rights Center (HRC), Georgia
  47. Syndicat National des Journalistes (SNJ), France
  48. Journalists’ and Media Workers’ Union (JMWU), Russia (in exile)
  49. Formula TV, Georgia 
  50. Media Voice 
  51. Rights Georgia
  52. Journalist’s Network for Gender Equality
  53. Global Bar Magazine, Sweden
  54. Civil.ge, Georgia
  55. Voxeurop.eu
  56. Association of European Journalists (AEJ), France
  57. Georgian Alliance of Regional Broadcasters
  58. Journalism Resource Center
  59. TOK TV
  60. Progressive Journalists Association (PJA), Türkiye 
  61. Journalists’ Union of Athens Daily Newspapers (JUADN), Greece 
  62. Association des Journalistes professionnels (AJP), Belgium
  63.  Georgiannews / Mtis Ambebi
  64. Swedish Union of Journalists (SJF), Sweden
  65. Icelandic Union of Journalists (BI), Iceland
  66. Norwegian Union of Journalists (NJ), Norway
  67. Media Diversity Institute Western Balkans
  68. Journalists About Journalism, (jaj.gr)
  69. Danish Union of Journalists (DJ), Denmark
  70. Media and Law Studies Association (MLSA), Türkiye
  71. Balkan Investigative Reporting Network (BIRN), Bosnia and Herzegovina
  72. Estonian Association of Journalists (EAL), Estonia
  73. Women in Media NGO, Ukraine 
  74. European Journalism Training Association (EJTA), Belgium
  75. Index on Censorship
  76. Association of European Journalists (AEJ)
  77. Association of European Journalists (AEJ), Bulgaria
  78. MEDIA-CENTER UA, Ukraine
  79. I-VIN.INFO, Ukraine
  80. IMS (International Media Support), Denmark 

 

Individuals:

    1. Scott Griffen, Executive Director, International Press Institute (IPI) 
    2. Oliver Money-Kyrle, Head of European Advocacy, International Press Institute (IPI)
    3. Teona Sekhniashvili, Europe Network & Advocacy Officer, International Press Institute (IPI) 
    4. Zeyneb Gültekin, Türkiye Programme Coordinator, International Press Institute (IPI) 
    5. Damla Tarhan Durmuş, Türkiye FOI Project Coordinator, International Press Institute (IPI) 
    6. Ronja Koskinen, Press Freedom Officer, International Press Institute  (IPI)
    7. Eero Lassila, Helsingin Sanomat Foundation Fellow, International Press Institute (IPI) 
    8. Dumitrita Holdis, Europe Programme Manager, International Press Institute (IPI)
    9. Karol Łuczka, Eastern Europe Advocacy Lead, International Press Institute (IPI)
    10. Dinara Satbayeva, Communications Officer, International Press Institute (IPI)
    11. Alina Cristea, Innovation Projects Officer, International Press Institute (IPI)
    12. Javier Luque, Head of Digital Media and Online Safety, International Press Institute (IPI)
    13. Grace Linczer, Membership and Engagement Manager, International Press Institute (IPI)
    14. Ryan Powell, Head of Innovation, International Press Institute (IPI)
    15. Gabriela Manuli, Director of Special Projects, International Press Institute (IPI)
    16. Timothy Large, Director of Independent Media Programmes, International Press Institute (IPI)
    17. Moreta Bobokhidze, Eurasia Program Officer, Civil Rights Defenders
    18. Irakli Vachiberadze, “info imereti”
    19. Anne Leppäjärvi, Degree Director, Haaga-Helia University of Applied Sciences 
    20. Alina Toropova, Journalists-in-Residence Programme Manager, ECPMF
    21. Ena Bavčić, EU Advocacy Officer, ECPMF
    22. Elena Rodina, Coordinator, Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), ECPMF
    23. Patrick Peltz, Monitoring and Research Officer, ECPMF
    24. Andreas Lamm, Managing Director, ECPMF 
    25. Gürkan Özturan, Monitoring Officer, ECPMF
    26. Luc Steinberg, Head of Operations, Media Diversity Institute Global
    27. Dejan Gligorijević, Journalists Union of Serbia / SINOS member of EFJ / IFJ
    28. Yusuf Kanlı, Vice-Chair, Association of Journalists, Türkiye 
    29. Cristi Godinac, president Romanian Union of Journalists MediaSind
    30. Sari Taussi, Member of BREG/EFJ, Union of Journalists in Finland
    31. Renate Schroeder, Director, EFJ
    32. Ricardo Gutiérrez, EFJ General Secretary
    33. Maja Sever, EFJ president
    34. Renate Gensch, Member of FREG/EFJ, dju in ver.di, Germany
    35. Krzysztof Bobinski, board member, Society of Journalists (Warsaw)
    36. Lia Chakhunashvili, The Georgian Charter of Journalistic Ethics, Executive Director (Georgia)
    37. Maya Metskhvarishvili, Editor at the Studio Monitor, Georgia
    38. Ekaterine Basilaia, Director, Center for Media, Information and Social Research (CMIS)
    39. Khatia Lomidze, The  Georgian Charter of Journalistic Ethics, Editor at the Mediachecker, (Georgia)
    40. Boris Sajaia, Journalist at the Mediachecker, The  Georgian Charter of Journalistic Ethics, (Georgia)
    41. Ninia Kakabadze,  Mediachecker, The  Georgian Charter of Journalistic Ethics, (Georgia)
    42. Natalia Vakhtangashvili, Journalist, Media Project Coordinator at Transparency International Georgia
    43. Tinatin Zazadze, Editor et the “samkhretis karibche” sknews.ge (Georgia)
    44. Gulo Kokhodze, Samkhretis Karibche” sknews.ge ( Georgia)
    45. Vladimer Chkhitunidze, Journalist at Radio “Marneuli”, (Georgia)
    46. Tiko Davadze, Journalist at Radio “Marneuli”, (Georgia)
    47. Kamila Mamedova, Director, Radio “Marneuli” (Georgia)
    48. Nino Zuriashvili, Editor at the Studio Monitor, Georgia
    49. Roger Infalt, Secretary general of the luxembourgish Press Council, board member of the luxembourgish association of professional  journalists (Luxembourg)
    50. Mariusz Pilis, vice president of the Association of Polish Journalists (SDP)
    51. Jolanta Hajdasz, president of the Association of Polish Journalists (SDP)
    52. Irma Dimitradze, Journalist, Gazeti Batumelebi
    53. Die Morina van Uijtregt, Journalist, Netherlands/Kosovo
    54. Zviad Pochkhua, IAGJ President
    55. Janusz Wiertel, Society of Journalists (Warsaw)
    56. Dorota Nygren, Society of Journalists(Warsaw)
    57. Darko Šper,  Granski sindikat kulture, umetnosti i medija ,,Nezavisnost“ (The (Branch) Trade Union for Culture, Art and Media “Nezavisnost”), Serbia
    58. Kathy Kiely, Lee Hills Chair in Free Press Studies, Missouri School of Journalism
    59. Erol Önderoğlu, Press freedom advocate, Türkiye 
    60. Edik Baghdasaryan, Editor in Chief, Hetq, Armenia
    61. Nana Biganishvili, Editor at the Studio Monitor, Georgia
    62. Maria Laura Franciosi, Ossigeno.info
    63. István Kulcsár
    64. Tomasz Milkowski, SDRP, Poland
    65. Rinat Tuhvatshin, Kloop, Kyrgyzstan
    66. Anna Kapushenko, Kloop, Kyrgyzstan
    67. Lika Zakashvili, Editor in chief at the Publika, Georgia
    68. Krzysztof Dowgird Society of Journalists (Warsaw)
    69. Małgorzata Bonikowska Society of Journalists (Warsaw) Canada
    70. Andrzej Zimowski Society of Journalists (Warsaw)
    71. Katarzyna Wyszomierska (Warsaw)
    72. Siromani Dhungana, Chairperson,  Democracy Media Network, Nepal 
    73. Galina Sidorova, journalist, co-founder, Community of Investigative Journalists – Foundation 19/29, Russia-Czech Republik 
    74. Natia Kapanadze – Media Lawyer, Human Rights Defender
    75. Alex Raufoglu, State Department Correspondent, Turan News Agency
    76. Wahid Bhat,  Environment editor, and Co-founder, Ground Report, India 
    77. Jan Keulen, journalist
    78. Mamuka Andguladze, Chair of Media Advocacy Coalition (Georgia)
    79. Emilia Șercan, investigative journalist, Romania
    80. Olena Cherniavska, EU Advocacy, IRFS
    81. Annia Ciezadlo, Investigations Editor, The Public Source (Beirut, Lebanon)
    82. José Luis Benítez, journalist (El Salvador)
    83. Stavroula Poulimeni, journalist, Alterthess.gr, (Greece)
    84. Khatia Ghoghoberidze (Media April)
    85. Nina Shengelia, Policy Leader Fellow, European University Institute
    86. Lukas Diko, Editor-in-chief, Investigative center of Jan Kuciak, Slovakia
    87. Marius Dragomir, Director, Media and Journalism Research Center (MJRC)
    88. Markus Drechsler, Editor, Menschen & Rechte, Austria
    89. Ehsan Ahmed Sehar, President Rural Media Network Pakistan
    90. Ijaz Ahmed Khan, Editor Daily Nawa-I-AhmedpurSharqia, Pakistan
    91. Nouneh Sarkissian, Managing Director, Media Initiatives Center, Armenia
    92. Carlos Dada, Editor in Chief, El Faro (Central America)
    93. Annette Rose, Journalist, dju in ver.di, Germany
    94. Mohamed Ibrahim, President Somali Journalists Syndicate (SJS)
    95. Arzu Geybulla, journalist, freelance
    96. Petr Oralek, Czech News Agency (Czech Republic)
    97. Lika Antadze (Chai Khana Media)
    98. Ginko Kobayashi （Freelance for Japanese media）
    99. Ucha Nanuashvili (former Public Defender of Georgia)
    100. Salome Ugulava, journalist, Formula TV 
    101. Lukas Burnar, Executive Director, Medienhaus andererseits, Austria
    102. Joanna Grotkowska (Society of Journalists) , Warsaw, Polish Radio
    103. Vladimer Mkervalishvili, Media and Communication Expert, Professor
    104. Teresa Di Mauro, journalist, freelance
    105. Mariam Gersamia, Chair of Media Voice
    106. Nata Koridze, Managing Editor, Civil.ge 
    107. Gian-Paolo Accardo, executive editor, Voxeurop.eu
    108. Nino Baindurashvili, News Writer, Civil.ge
    109. Andreï Jvirblis, freelance journalist
    110. Sergey Burtsev, KubanNovosti
    111. Olga Proskurnina, Deputy Editor-in-Chief, Republic.ru
    112. Ekaterina Biyak, Activatika
    113. Natia Kuprashvili – Head of PhD Mass Communication Program, TSU. Journalism Resource Center
    114. Nina Kheladze – TOK TV Director
    115. Konstantinos  Alexopoulos 
    116. Laura Gogoladze, Editor in chief at the Chemi Kharagauli, Georgia
    117. Josh LaPorte, Media Diversity Institute Global
    118. Gela Mtivlishvili, ediGeorgiannews / Mtis Ambebi
    119. Noémi Martini, journalist at HVG (Hungary)
    120. Ekaterina Kotrikadze, TV Rain, News director and Anchor
    121. Tikhon Dzyadko, TV Rain, Editor-in-Chief
    122. Milica Pesic, Media Diversity Institute (MDI)
    123. Georgia Thanou
    124. Aristeidis Georgiou
    125. Argyro Giannoudaki (Greece)
    126. Thimios Kakos , Freelance Journalist 
    127. Tatiana Capodistria, Greek retired journalist
    128. Alexander Chritina Kopsini, secretary general of Panhellenic Federation of Journalists Unions
    129. Marina Drakatou, journalist, Private Insurance Monthly, privateinsurance.gr
    130. Kostas Nikolakopoulos
    131. Şebnem Arsu, journalist, Türkiye 
    132. Eleni Voultsidou, journalist, Greece
    133. Michalis Sifakis, journalist, Greece
    134. Fotis Raisis (Greece)
    135. Xanthidis Pantelis, Journalist, Athens, Greece
    136. Maria Nikolaidou, Journalist, Athens. Greece
    137. Christos Michalopoulos, Athens.Greece 
    138. Chrysa Liangou, Journalist, Athens. Greece
    139. Hatzis Dimitris journalist athens Greece
    140.  Eleftheria Alavanou, journalist, Athens, Greece 
    141.  Nicholas Tsimpidas – Journalist, Greece 
    142. Helen Belli, Journalist, Athens, Greece
    143. Alexis Vakis, journalist, Athens, Greece
    144. Alexia Svolou Journalist athens Greece
    145. Andreas Ch. Panagopoulos, journalist, Athens, Greece
    146. Vasileios Tzimtsos, journalist, Greece
    147. Konstantin Vorovich, Journalist, Discours.io
    148. Espen Brynsrud, Head of Department, Oslo Norway
    149. Katerina Oikonomakou, journalist, Athens, Greece
    150. Nikos Sakellariou
    151. Teona Tskhomelidze, journalist, Executive Director of Media Voice 
    152. Alexander Kapsylis journalist, Athens, Greece
    153. Angeliki Boubouka, journalist, Athens, Greece
    154. Espen Leirset, Editor-in-Chief, Norway
    155. Lazaros Kokosis, journalist, Athens, Greece
    156. Igoumenidi Teti journalist Athens Greece
    157. Katja Alexander, journalist
    158. Jenny Panteli,  journalist GREEK VOICE FLORIDA – ODYSSEY TV KANADA
    159. Andrei Kaganskikh, independent journalist
    160. Katerina Fikari, journalist, Greece
    161. Ilia Papaspyrou, journalist, Greece
    162. Ivana Jelača, Media Diversity Institute Western Balkans
    163. Nikos Kiaos, journalist Athens Greece
    164. Thanasis G. Kappos journalist & teacher at media studies, Athens, Greece
    165. Milka Tadic Mijovic, President, Centre for Investigative Journalism of Montenegro
    166. Christos Michaelides Journalist, Athens, Greece.
    167. Karali Athina Journalist, Athens, Greece.
    168. Nikos Theodorakis, Nick Theodorakis, Journalist, Athens, Greece
    169. Nikos A. Konstantopoulos, newspaper KATHIMERINI
    170. Georgia Mylonaki, journalist, Athens, Greece 
    171. Theodwros Manikas, Athens, Greece
    172. Pannagiotis Votsis, journalist, Greece
    173. Sissy Alonistiotou, journalist, Greece
    174. Mirsini Grigori, Athens, Greece
    175. Tigkiris Michael, journalist, Greece
    176. Zoltán Sipos, editor-in-chief and manager of Átlátszó Erdély
    177. AndreRoth, German Journalist Federation DJV
    178. Milorad Ivanovic, editor in chief, BIRN Serbia#
    179. Nora Ralli, journalist, The Journalist Journal/2020mag.gr/ect
    180. Lina Stefanou, editor-in-chief of NOMAS magazine   
    181. Erato Giannakoudi editor Athens
    182. Nikos Langadinos, journalist, Greece
    183. David Omarov, Invisible rainbow of Turkmenistan
    184. Yannis Alexiou, journalist, Greece
    185. Maria Syrrou, journalist / actress, Greece
    186. Argiro Morou, Journalist, Greece
    187. Kyriaki Fyntanidou, Greece
    188. Annita Triantafyllopoulou Journalist
    189. Natalie Sablowski, Journalist, Süddeutsche Zeitung, Germany
    190. Antonis Papavomvolakis, journalist, Greece
    191. Giolada Koubli journalist, Athens Greece 
    192. Dimitris Papadimitriou, journalist, Greece   
    193. Satik Seyranyan, president of the Union of Journalists of Armenia, editor-in-chief o” (168.am)
    194. Katerina Koutselaki, tovima.gr
    195. 195. Nontas Chaldoupis, businessdaily.gr
    196. 196- Bülent Mumay, journalist, Turkey
    197. Victor Korb, DO-info, news agency 
    198. Bilio Tsoukala Journalist Greece
    199. Frederik Obermaier, Director of paper trail media, Germany
    200. Nina Komninou, Greece
    201. Dimitris Tsipouras, Journalist Greece
    202. Tatyana Khlestunova, independent journalist, Khabarovsk
    203. Ia Kldiashvili (IMS)
    204. Irina Nedeva, journalist,, Bulgaria
Allgemein

Italy: Call for full transparency after Fanpage editor-in-chief surveilled…

Italy: Call for full transparency after Fanpage editor-in-chief surveilled with spyware

The Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) is urging Italian authorities to shed full light on the recent surveillance of an editor-in-chief in Italy and others using Graphite spyware technology developed by Israeli firm Paragon Solutions.

Our organisations are alarmed by the latest case of a journalist within the European Union having their secure communications and sources compromised using advanced spyware technologies, representing yet another serious attack on press freedom.

 

In the wake of recent revelations, we also urge other governments in Europe to launch investigations into targeted surveillance against any other journalists who it emerges have been affected by the same spyware technology.

 

On 1 February 2025, it was revealed that investigative journalist Francesco Cancellato, the editor-in-chief of Italian news outlet Fanpage, was among more than 90 individuals worldwide to have had their WhatsApp hacked using Graphite, a military-grade zero-click spyware sold by Paragon.

 

According to WhatsApp, which said it disrupted the spyware attacks in December 2024, this list included journalists and civil society members around the world. In the EU, it is understood that individuals were targeted in 13 Member States: Austria, Belgium, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Germany, Greece, Latvia, Lithuania, Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, and Sweden.

 

The full scope of the spyware hacking, as well as the number of journalists who were among the 90 individuals worldwide who were targeted, is currently unknown. Cancellato is the only journalist to have come forward publicly so far. It is also unclear how long he was targeted for and to what extent his communications were compromised.

 

Fanpage has published recent high-profile investigations into the youth wing of the Prime Minister Georgia Meloni’s party, the ‘Brothers of Italy’. However Cancellato has not speculated on the reason he was targeted, or by whom, and said that he had never been told by any authorities that he was under investigation.

 

In the wake of the revelations, the Italian government confirmed that seven mobile phone users within the country had been targeted and has said that its law enforcement agencies do use spyware. However, Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s office has denied any involvement in the targeting of journalists and the government has not formally acknowledged the existence of a contract with Paragon.

 

However, according to multiple media reports Paragon has suspended or terminated at least one of its two contracts with the country due to the violation of its terms of use. Like other spyware firms, Paragon markets its products exclusively to state intelligence and law enforcement agencies from approved governments.

 

While investigations have been opened within Italy and the case has received parliamentary scrutiny, the actor ultimately responsible for deploying the spyware has yet to be disclosed. However, multiple factors point to the involvement of at least one state agency from within Italy.

 

The MFRR stresses the need for urgent and thorough investigations to identify the source of the surveillance and how many media professionals were affected, in which countries, for how long, and under what legal justification. Those responsible for the potentially illegal surveillance of journalists must be held to account and steps must be taken to assess why legal safeguards to protect journalists from undue surveillance were potentially ineffective in EU Member States.

 

Amidst a global proliferation in spyware capabilities and a record number of abuses against journalists and other civil society actors, our organisations further call for the EU to refocus its attention on assuring strict implementation of the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA), which sets out new protections for journalists inside the bloc from undue surveillance.

 

Under Article 4 of the EMFA, the use of spyware is banned except in very specific cases including investigations of serious crimes, and requiring judicial approval. Establishing how such surveillance against media actors in Italy and beyond was permitted under current legal regulations, and whether due diligence was followed, will be vital in the coming months.

 

Under Article 4.7 of the EMFA, journalists surveilled using spyware in the EU also have a right to know about the accessing and processing of their personal data in the context of the deployment of the surveillance measures or the deployment of intrusive surveillance software as part of a criminal investigation. MFRR therefore urges Italian authorities to ensure the relevant provisions are upheld in the case of Cancellato, and any other journalists in Italy who it emerges were also surveilled.

 

Given the seriousness of this case for media freedom and its EU-wide considerations, we further support the recent initiative of Italian MEPs to request that the European Parliament establish a Commission of Inquiry into the Graphite spyware case. We also support the recent initiative by the National Federation of the Italian Press (FNSI) and the National Order of Journalists to file a criminal complaint over the spyware hacks with the Rome Public Prosecutor’s Office.

 

Our organizations remain committed to advocating for the strongest possible regulations against spyware use against journalists and other civil society actors within the EU, and beyond, and will continue to assist journalists who believe they may have been targeted by spyware in connecting with experts for diagnostic tests on their mobile devices.

 

*If you are among the journalists within the EU to have received messages from Meta/WhatsApp about hacking in December 2024, please reach out to MFRR representatives at the following secure communication to discuss for device testing: contactMFRR@proton.me

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries and Ukraine.