Italy: MFRR flags ongoing media freedom erosion

Italy: MFRR flags ongoing media freedom erosion

Media freedom in Italy has continued its overall downward trajectory in the past two years, amidst the car bomb attack on one of the country’s most famous journalists, new spyware attacks on reporters, politicisation of the public broadcaster, legal harassment of journalists by governing politicians, and continued concerns over media pluralism, partner organisations of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) said today.

11.03.2026

The findings of the MFRR consortium, shared at a press conference in Rome following a follow-up advocacy mission on 9-10 March, conclude that since our organisations’ previous visit to Italy in 2024 the climate for press freedom and independent journalism has faced serious pressures under the coalition government of Prime Minister Georgia Meloni.

 

MFRR organisations stress that key reforms such as the transposition of the EU Anti-SLAPP Directive lack ambition, are limited to a minimal transposition of the Directive, and appear unlikely to be implemented by the May 2026 deadline. Italy also appears to be in active violation of the new European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) regarding the political control over Radiotelevisione Italiana (RAI).

 

Although Italy continues to have strong constitutional protections for the freedom of the press, several negative developments in the last year – combined with the lack of implementation of key reforms – have contributed to a further weakening of the landscape for press and media freedom.

 

RAI and EMFA

Since the EMFA came into full effect in August 2025, the continued government influence over the management, politicised appointments, and the subsequent axing of shows and exodus of journalists from RAI, has been in our view a clear violation Article 5 of EMFA, which obliges Member States to guarantee the independence of public broadcasters.

 

While RAI has long faced politicisation under successive administrations, MFRR partners stress that the scale and intensity of the current government’s overhaul stands out in modern Italian history. This overt effort to shift the editorial line at RAI has utilised the same tactics on show in the EU’s worst media freedom offenders. This political influence over RAI is permitted due to flaws in the legislation, which cements the control of the governing majority over the Board of Directors and other key positions.

 

Coupled with this undue political influence, in the past year RAI has also faced additional budget cuts, undermining the need for stable and sustainable funding outlined under Article 5 of EMFA. Meanwhile, the paralysis of the parliamentary oversight committee of RAI, and its ongoing inability to oversee the public broadcaster’s compliance with independence and pluralism, is weakening democratic scrutiny of the broadcaster and causing additional institutional instability.

 

A bill currently being debated in parliament which would reform the governance system of RAI to remove board appointments by the executive branch and instead switch to a simple parliamentary majority, effectively the governing coalition, is likely to entrench political influence over the RAI board. If passed in its current form, MFRR partners do not believe the bill would align Italy’s public broadcasting system with Article 5 of EMFA.

 

Spyware

In 2025, Italy was the only country in the EU to experience new cases of spyware surveillance of journalists, according to MFRR monitoring, making it a European flashpoint for the abuse of spyware-for-hire technology against the press. So far, no accountability has been secured for these illegal violations of journalistic privacy and source protection. During a meeting with representatives of the Ministry of Justice, no clarity was provided on the ongoing judicial investigations into the known spyware attacks on at least three Italian journalists.

 

Our organisations welcome the recent breakthrough in the prosecutorial investigation which has confirmed that the Graphite spyware sold by Israeli firm Paragon Solutions was illegally used to hack into the mobile device of Fanpage.it director Francesco Cancellato. Traces of the Graphite surveillance tool, known to be used by the intelligence services AISI and AISE, were confirmed on the devices of Cancellato and two activists, with meaningful correspondence of the date and time of the deployment of the intrusive software. The prosecutors stress that questions remain over who is behind this illegal surveillance of the journalist, and that the investigation continues. Two other cases of spyware attacks on Italian journalists in 2025, Ciro Pellegrino and Roberto D’Agostino, remain unresolved.

 

These worrying cases are a reminder of the urgency of the application of the provisions contained in the Article 4 of the European Media Freedom Act, and the necessary harmonisation of the Italian legal framework to the highest standards in terms of protection of journalistic confidentiality and transparency on access of personal data.

 

SLAPPs

In the legal sphere, Italy also remained the country in Europe with the highest number of Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPPs) in 2025, according to the CASE Coalition, which multiple MFRR organisations are part of. Combined with ongoing existence of criminal defamation laws that rank among the strictest in Europe, and a phenomenon in which SLAPPs are too often initiated by high ranking public officials, MFRR partners conclude that journalists in Italy face acute legal risks compared to colleagues in other EU countries.

 

A parliamentary bill has set the framework regarding the transposition of the EU anti-SLAPP Directive. However, the delegation understands that the government will only address cross-border SLAPPs, rather than also domestic SLAPPs, as outlined in the April 2024 Council of Europe Recommendation on countering SLAPPs.

 

The likelihood of the EU’s anti-SLAPP transposition being completed by the deadline in May 2026 appears increasingly remote, leaving journalists exposed to legal threats. Full decriminalisation of defamation in Italy, combined with comprehensive reform of the civil code, including strong anti-SLAPP provisions for both domestic and cross border SLAPPs, remains the only acceptable outcome.

 

Pluralism and safety

During the mission, MFRR partners also discussed the approved sale of the media assets of GEDI. The deal, which will reportedly see La Stampa sold to Gruppo SAE and La Repubblica sold to Greek-owned Antenna, has raised alarm from its staff over potential job losses and potential threats to its editorial independence. To address these concerns, MFRR calls on the Italian media regulator, AGCOM, to request a media merger assessment from the new EMFA-created European Board of Media Services, which should take up the case and assess it through the lens of media pluralism and editorial independence. Given the importance of La Repubblica and La Stampa in the Italian media ecosystem, MFRR partners believe AGCOM has a responsibility to request European scrutiny and ensure the deal will not negatively impact the news outlet’s editorial freedoms.

 

Regarding the safety of journalists, the near-miss car bomb attack on Report presenter Sigfrido Ranucci in October 2025 was a shocking attack on the journalistic profession in Italy which, if successful, would have been the most high-profile killing of a journalist in Europe in decades. The attack serves as a chilling reminder of the threats faced by journalists conducting investigative journalism in Italy. So far, no perpetrators have been identified or prosecuted and impunity for this case continues.

 

Overall, despite almost two years of political pressures on RAI, the Italian government has yet to face any serious pushback from the European Union over what MFRR partners consider a clear violation of the EMFA. While the EU Commission has signaled some concern over media freedom and specifically RAI in the annual Rule of Law Report, there has been no meaningful scrutiny or major EU pushback.

Mission partners thank all stakeholders that met the delegation in Rome and remain open to further exchanges with national stakeholders, particularly from the governing parties, on media freedom in Italy. A full report of the findings of the mission will be published in the coming weeks.

 

The mission to Italy was led by the European Federation of Journalists (EFJ) and was joined by partners of the MFRR consortium: European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF), Free Press Unlimited (FPU), the International Press Institute (IPI), and Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT).

This mission was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Italia: MFRR segnala la continua erosione della libertà di stampa

 

La libertà di stampa in Italia continua la sua traiettoria discendente degli ultimi due anni, fra l’attentato con autobomba ad uno dei giornalisti più famosi del paese, i nuovi attacchi spyware ai giornalisti, la politicizzazione dell’emittente pubblica, le molestie legali ai giornalisti da parte dei politici al governo e le continue preoccupazioni sul pluralismo dei media, hanno affermato le organizzazioni partner del Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) (MFRR).

 

I risultati, condivisi in una conferenza stampa a Roma a seguito di una missione di advocacy di follow-up del 9-10 marzo, mostrano che dalla precedente visita in Italia del 2024, il clima per la libertà di stampa e il giornalismo indipendente ha subito gravi pressioni sotto il governo di coalizione del primo ministro Giorgia Meloni.

 

MFRR sottolinea che riforme chiave come il recepimento della Direttiva UE Anti-SLAPP mancano di ambizione, si limitano ad un recepimento minimo della Direttiva e difficilmente verranno attuate entro la scadenza di maggio 2026. L’Italia sembra inoltre violare attivamente il nuovo European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) per quanto riguarda il controllo politico sulla Radiotelevisione Italiana (RAI).

 

Sebbene l’Italia continui a godere di solide tutele costituzionali per la libertà di stampa, diversi sviluppi negativi nell’ultimo anno, uniti alla mancata attuazione di riforme chiave, hanno contribuito ad un ulteriore indebolimento del panorama della libertà di stampa e dei media.

 

RAI e EMFA

Dall’entrata in vigore dell’EMFA nell’agosto 2025, la continua influenza del governo sulla dirigenza, le nomine politicizzate e la successiva soppressione di programmi e l’esodo di giornalisti dalla RAI hanno rappresentato, a nostro avviso, una chiara violazione dell’articolo 5 dell’EMFA, che obbliga gli Stati membri a garantire l’indipendenza delle emittenti pubbliche.

 

Se la RAI subisce da tempo la politicizzazione attuata dai governi di turno, i partner di MFRR sottolineano che la portata e l’intensità della riforma dell’attuale governo sono di particolare rilievo nella storia italiana moderna. Questo palese tentativo di modificare la linea editoriale della RAI ha utilizzato le stesse tattiche utilizzate nei paesi più in violazione della libertà di stampa nell’UE. Questa influenza politica sulla RAI è resa possibile da carenze legislative che consolidano il controllo della maggioranza di governo sul Consiglio di Amministrazione e su altre posizioni chiave.

 

A questa indebita influenza politica si sono aggiunti, nell’ultimo anno, ulteriori tagli al bilancio della RAI, che compromettono la necessità di finanziamenti stabili e sostenibili, come previsto dall’articolo 5 dell’EMFA. Nel frattempo, la paralisi della commissione parlamentare di controllo della RAI e la sua continua incapacità di vigilare sul rispetto dell’indipendenza e del pluralismo da parte dell’emittente pubblica stanno indebolendo il controllo democratico dell’emittente, causando ulteriore instabilità istituzionale.

 

Un disegno di legge attualmente in discussione in Parlamento, che riformerebbe il sistema di governance della RAI per eliminare le nomine del consiglio di amministrazione da parte dell’esecutivo e passare invece ad una semplice maggioranza parlamentare, di fatto la coalizione di governo, rischia di consolidare l’influenza politica sul consiglio di amministrazione della RAI. Secondo MFRR il disegno di legge, se approvato nella sua forma attuale, non allineerebbe il sistema radiotelevisivo pubblico italiano all’articolo 5 dell’EMFA.

 

Spyware

Nel 2025, l’Italia è stato l’unico paese dell’UE a registrare nuovi casi di sorveglianza tramite spyware ai danni dei giornalisti, secondo il monitoraggio MFRR, diventando un focolaio europeo per l’abuso di tecnologie spyware a pagamento contro la stampa. Finora, non è stata accertata alcuna responsabilità per queste violazioni illegali della privacy giornalistica e della protezione delle fonti. Durante un incontro con i rappresentanti del ministero della Giustizia, non è stata fatta chiarezza sulle indagini giudiziarie in corso sui noti attacchi spyware ad almeno tre giornalisti italiani.

 

Le nostre organizzazioni accolgono con favore la recente svolta nell’indagine della procura che ha confermato che lo spyware Graphite, venduto dall’azienda israeliana Paragon Solutions, è stato utilizzato illegalmente per hackerare il dispositivo mobile del direttore di Fanpage.it Francesco Cancellato. Tracce del software di sorveglianza Graphite, noto per essere utilizzato dai servizi segreti AISI e AISE, sono state confermate sui dispositivi di Cancellato e di due attivisti, con una corrispondenza significativa di data e ora di installazione del software spia. I procuratori sottolineano che restano dubbi su chi sia dietro questa sorveglianza illegale del giornalista e che le indagini proseguono. Altri due casi di attacchi spyware ai danni di giornalisti italiani nel 2025, Ciro Pellegrino e Roberto D’Agostino, rimangono irrisolti.

 

Questi casi preoccupanti ci ricordano l’urgenza di applicare le disposizioni contenute nell’articolo 4 dell’European Media Freedom Act e la necessaria armonizzazione del quadro giuridico italiano ai più elevati standard in termini di tutela del segreto giornalistico e trasparenza sull’accesso ai dati personali.

 

SLAPP

In ambito legale, l’Italia rimane anche il Paese europeo con il più alto numero di cause legali strategiche contro la partecipazione pubblica (SLAPP) nel 2025, secondo la Coalizione CASE, di cui fanno parte diverse organizzazioni MFRR. Considerando anche l’esistenza di leggi penali sulla diffamazione tra le più severe in Europa e il fenomeno per cui le SLAPP sono troppo spesso avviate da alti funzionari pubblici, i partner MFRR concludono che i giornalisti in Italia corrono gravi rischi legali rispetto ai colleghi di altri Paesi dell’UE.

 

Un disegno di legge parlamentare ha definito il quadro normativo per il recepimento della Direttiva UE anti-SLAPP. Tuttavia, la delegazione è consapevole che il governo affronterà solo le SLAPP transfrontaliere, anziché anche quelle nazionali, come delineato nella Raccomandazione del Consiglio d’Europa dell’aprile 2024 sulla lotta alle SLAPP.

 

La probabilità che il recepimento della direttiva anti-SLAPP da parte dell’UE venga completato entro la scadenza di maggio 2026 appare sempre più remota, esponendo i giornalisti a minacce legali. La completa depenalizzazione della diffamazione in Italia, unita ad una riforma completa del codice civile, che includa severe disposizioni anti-SLAPP per le SLAPP sia nazionali che transfrontaliere, rimane l’unica soluzione accettabile.

 

Pluralismo e sicurezza

Durante la missione, i partner MFRR hanno anche discusso della vendita approvata delle attività mediatiche di GEDI. L’accordo, che secondo quanto riferito vedrà La Stampa venduta al Gruppo SAE e La Repubblica venduta alla società greca Antenna, ha suscitato l’allarme del personale per la potenziale perdita di posti di lavoro e le potenziali minacce alla sua indipendenza editoriale. Per affrontare queste preoccupazioni, MFRR chiede all’autorità di regolamentazione dei media italiana, AGCOM, di richiedere una valutazione della fusione mediatica al nuovo Consiglio europeo dei servizi media creato dall’EMFA, che dovrebbe occuparsi del caso e valutarlo attraverso la lente del pluralismo dei media e dell’indipendenza editoriale. Data l’importanza di La Repubblica e La Stampa nell’ecosistema mediatico italiano, MFRR ritiene che AGCOM abbia la responsabilità di richiedere un controllo europeo e garantire che l’accordo non abbia un impatto negativo sulla libertà editoriale dell’agenzia di stampa.

 

Per quanto riguarda la sicurezza dei giornalisti, l’attentato con autobomba contro il presentatore di Report, Sigfrido Ranucci di ottobre 2025 è stato un attacco sconvolgente alla professione giornalistica in Italia che, se avesse avuto successo, sarebbe stato il più eclatante omicidio di un giornalista in Europa degli ultimi decenni. L’attacco è un agghiacciante promemoria delle minacce che i giornalisti investigativi in Italia devono affrontare. Finora, nessun autore è stato identificato o perseguito e questo caso rimane impunito.

 

Nel complesso, nonostante quasi due anni di pressioni politiche sulla RAI, il governo italiano non ha ancora dovuto affrontare alcuna seria reazione da parte dell’Unione Europea su quella che i partner del MFRR considerano una chiara violazione dell’EMFA. Se la Commissione Europea ha espresso una certa preoccupazione per la libertà dei media e in particolare per la RAI nella Relazione annuale sullo Stato di diritto, non vi è stata alcuna analisi o reazione significativa da parte dell’UE.

I partner della missione ringraziano tutti gli stakeholder che hanno incontrato la delegazione a Roma e rimangono aperti a ulteriori scambi con gli stakeholder nazionali, in particolare con i partiti di governo, sulla libertà di stampa in Italia. Un rapporto completo sui risultati della missione sarà pubblicato nelle prossime settimane.

 

La missione in Italia è stata guidata dalla Federazione Europea dei Giornalisti (EFJ) e vi hanno partecipato i partner del consorzio MFRR: Centro Europeo per la Libertà di Stampa e dei Media (ECPMF), Free Press Unlimited (FPU), International Press Institute (IPI) e Osservatorio Balcani e Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT).

This mission was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Systemic Siege of Independent Journalism in Türkiye: Media Freedom…

Systemic Siege of Independent Journalism in Türkiye: Media Freedom Mission Report 2025

A coalition of eight international press freedom organisations, including ECPMF and OBCT as part of MFRR, conducted the seventh joint mission to Türkiye from 24-26 November 2025 in Ankara. The delegation met with stakeholders such as the Constitutional Court, RTÜK representatives, EU delegation, opposition MPs, and journalists’ associations, but government requests went unanswered.

10.03.2026

Following the mission a report was published with contributions of the participating organisations, namely International Press Institute (IPI), Amnesty International, ARTICLE 19 Europe, Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF) as part of MFRR, Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT) as part of MFRR, Reporters Without Borders (RSF), South East Europe Media Organisation (SEEMO). The report highlighted the developments that marked 2025, and was summarised as “systemic siege on independent journalism”. Intensified judicial harassment with 100 lawfare cases affecting 248 journalists; heightened violence and impunity during protests following Ekrem İmamoğlu’s arrest in March 2025; digital restrictions via blocks, fines (92 million Turkish Lira fine on Halk TV and Tele1), and algorithmic demotion closing outlets like Gazete Duvar; economic precarity from funding cuts and state seizures of private media outlets; barriers for foreign journalists via visas and accreditation were only some of the outstanding developments in this period.

The mission delegation made a series of recommendations following the visits of the coalition, and highlighted them in the report: reform regulatory and administrative institutions that influence the media, prioritise financial sustainability of media as a core pillar of media freedom, strengthen tech and AI governance to support access to independent news and information and media freedom, ensure media reforms are conducted in full consultation with a wide range of stakeholders that include media practitioners and civil society. The mission delegation also reiterates its call to the international and diplomatic communities to prioritise their support for these reforms in Türkiye.

This mission was held with participation of ECPMF and OBCT as part of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Türkiye’de Bağımsız Gazeteciliğin Sistematik Kuşatması: Medya Özgürlüğü Misyonu Raporu 2025

MFRR’nin bir parçası olan ECPMF ve OBCT dahil olmak üzere sekiz uluslararası medya özgürlüğü örgütünün oluşturduğu heyet, 24-26 Kasım 2025 tarihleri arasında Ankara’da, Türkiye’ye yönelik yedinci ortak heyet ziyaretini gerçekleştirdi. Heyet, Anayasa Mahkemesi, RTÜK temsilcileri, AB Delegasyonu, muhalefet milletvekilleri ve gazetecilik dernekleri gibi paydaşlarla bir araya geldi, ancak iktidar temsilcileriyle görüşmek üzere dile getirilen talepler yanıtsız kaldı.

 

Misyonun ardından, katılımcı kuruluşların katkılarıyla bir rapor yayınlandı. Bu kuruluşlar şunlardı: Uluslararası Basın Enstitüsü (IPI), Uluslararası Af Örgütü, ARTICLE 19 Europe, Gazetecileri Koruma Komitesi (CPJ), Avrupa Basın ve Medya Özgürlüğü Merkezi (ECPMF) MFRR’nin bir parçası olarak, Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT) MFRR’nin bir parçası olarak, Sınır Tanımayan Gazeteciler (RSF), Güneydoğu Avrupa Medya Örgütü (SEEMO).

 

Rapor, 2025 yılında medya alanında iz bırakan gelişmeleri vurguladı ve bu gelişmeler “bağımsız gazeteciliğe yönelik sistematik kuşatma” olarak özetlendi. 248 gazeteciyi etkileyen 100 hukuk davası ile yargı tacizinin yoğunlaşması; Mart 2025’te Ekrem İmamoğlu’nun tutuklanmasının ardından gerçekleşen eylemler sırasında şiddetin ve cezasızlığın artması; erişim engelleri, para cezaları (Halk TV ve Tele1’e 92 milyon Türk Lirası para cezası) ve algoritmik kısıtlamalar yoluyla dijital müdahaleler sonucu Gazete Duvar gibi yayın organlarının kapatılması; fon kesintileri ve devletin TMSF aracılığıyla özel medya kuruluşlarına el koyması nedeniyle ekonomik istikrarsızlık; vize ve akreditasyon yoluyla yabancı gazetecilere getirilen engeller bu dönemde öne çıkan gelişmelerden sadece birkaçıydı.

 

Heyet, ziyaretler sonrası rapor kapsamında bir dizi öneriyi de dile getirdi: medyayı etkileyen düzenleyici ve idari kurumları reform etmek, medya özgürlüğünün temel direği olarak medyanın finansal sürdürülebilirliğine öncelik vermek, bağımsız haber ve bilgiye erişimi ve medya özgürlüğünü desteklemek için teknoloji ve yapay zeka yönetişimini güçlendirmek, medya reformlarının medya çalışanları ve sivil toplum da dahil olmak üzere çok çeşitli paydaşlarla tam istişare içinde yürütülmesini sağlamak. Misyon heyeti ayrıca, uluslararası ve diplomatik topluluklara Türkiye’deki bu reformlara destek vermeyi öncelikli hale getirmeleri çağrısını yineliyor.

Bu heyet ziyareti, AB üye ülkeleri ve aday ülkelerde basın ve medya özgürlüğünün ihlallerini takip eden, izleyen ve bunlara müdahale eden Avrupa çapında bir mekanizma olan Medya Özgürlüğü Acil Müdahale (MFRR) kapsamında ECPMF ve OBCT’nin katılımıyla gerçekleştirildi.

Gender-based violence, a growing weapon against women journalists

Gender-based violence, a growing weapon against women journalists

To mark International Women’s Day, partners of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) published alarming data highlighting the continued and systematic targeting of women journalists through gender-based violence in Europe.

08.03.2026

Our 2025 monitoring documented 53 cases of gender-based violence targeting women media professionals across EU Member States and candidate countries, including online smear campaigns, threats of sexual violence and derogatory comments about physical appearance. This data, recorded on the MFRR’s Mapping Media Freedom platform, reaffirms that women journalists are disproportionately affected by gender-based violence. Although it is evident that these cases capture only a limited snapshot of reality, they reveal clear and concerning trends for media freedom and the safety of journalists particularly amidst the growth of generative AI tools.

From online abuse to offline harassment

According to our monitoring, gender-based violence against women journalists occurred predominantly online (59%), and more specifically on social media. The majority of these attacks can therefore be categorised as tech-facilitated gender-based violence, where digital platforms, messaging apps or AI tools are used to harass and discredit women journalists. 

 

One example involved  the circulation of AI-generated nude photos of two Italian journalists. In another case, a Spanish journalist working for RTVE was recently cyberharassed after a photo of her was taken out of context and weaponised to undermine her professional credibility. Although such incidents are still emerging in Europe, they demonstrate the extent to which digital tools can be abused to facilitate and amplify already existing gender inequalities as well as physical gender-based violence. 

 

In 2025, MapMF also recorded serious cases of gender-based violence taking place offline. Several attacks were reported during sporting, political events, as well as demonstrations, and even at a journalist’s private residence. A serious example in France was that of Nora Bouazzouni, who specialises in gender. After years of cyberharassment, she received a letter at  her home containing hateful, racist, and misogynistic messages. 

Gender-based violence, a discrediting tool by public officials

Although many of the incidents are perpetrated by private individuals, public officials also play a significant role in spreading misogynistic rhetoric that is used to discredit women journalists and divert public and professional attention away from their work. In Spain, for example, the far-right party Vox launched a coordinated smear campaign against journalist Cristina Fallarás, which seriously exacerbated the ongoing harassment she has faced  for years. 

Online threats and smear campaigns in the Balkans: A worsening climate in Serbia

The situation of women journalists remains particularly tense in the Balkans. In 2025, our 21 cases documented across the region reflect a growing, worrying trend in online threats, smear campaigns, and other forms of harassment. Serbia accounts for the highest number of registered incidents, underscoring the particularly hostile environment facing journalists there. Independent journalists, frequently targeted by the Serbian government and tabloids with criticism, are facing threats and sexual harassment by private individuals. This trend has become even more pronounced since the deadly collapse of the Novi Sad glass roof and the intensified crackdown on media reporting on anti-corruption protests such as N1. 

 

In this contexts, gender-based violence can also extends beyond journalists themselves to their female family members, who are subjected to misogynistic insults and, in some cases, explicit threats of rape.  

Gender-based violence requires swift response

On the occasion of International Women’s Day, the MFRR partners express their unwavering solidarity with all women working in the media sector who face enhanced risk in doing their job due to their gender. 

 

Gender-based attacks, both offline and online, require tailored action from EU Member States, candidate countries and the European Commission. This includes stronger implementation and enforcement of the Digital Services Act and the review of the Recommendation on the Safety of Journalists. 

 

Authorities must recognise that such attacks are not isolated incidents, but part of a broader strategy to silence voices and expressions of structural gender inequalities both offline and online. This is especially concerning when the misogynistic behaviour comes from or is propelled by the state and public officials. When backed or legitimised by a public figure, such attacks undermine journalists’ credibility, foster self-censorship, and create a permissive environment for further gender-based violence. 

 

The undersigned organisations therefore remind public officials that they bear a heightened responsibility and call on them to refrain from all forms of stigmatising, sexist or misogynistic rhetoric. They must also unequivocally and publicly condemn all attacks against women journalists. 

 

Effective reporting mechanisms are a cornerstone of protecting women journalists. We encourage women journalists to report incidents to initiatives such as Mapping Media Freedom, as well as to law enforcement authorities. Systematic documentation is essential to exposing abuse and triggering effective institutional responses. In addition, access to justice and thorough investigation into cases must be strengthened. 

 

Only through accountability and concrete safeguards can women journalists work safely and citizens’ right to information be fully protected.

Signed by:

  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Ukraine: Four years into full-scale invasion, journalism remains a…

Ukraine: Four years into full-scale invasion, journalism remains a deadly profession

On the fourth anniversary of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the undersigned partners of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) hail the continued courage of journalists in the country who continue to report on the war despite serious risks – and waning international attention.

24.02.2026

As we mark the anniversary, our organisations honour and remember the journalists who have been killed while reporting on the war and in the line of duty. We pay our respects to these reporters, who made the ultimate sacrifice in bringing news on the war to Ukrainian and international audiences.

 

As documented in our recently published annual media freedom monitoring report, 2025 stood out as the deadliest period for journalists in Ukraine since the first months of the full-scale invasion in February-May 2022.

 

In October 2025, three media workers were killed in Russian attacks in Donetsk region. French photojournalist Antoni Lallican was murdered on October 3 in a strike conducted by an FPV (first-person view) drone. Ukrainian journalist Aliona Hubanova and cameraman Yevhen Karmazin were killed on October 23 in another Russian drone attack. According to MFRR monitoring, 12 more journalists were injured over the past year as a result of Russian attacks.

 

In the past year, rapid advances in drone technology have made reporting work in Ukraine more dangerous than ever. Multiple incidents recounted by reporters over the past months seem to show that journalists are no longer protected by PRESS markings. Instead, these have become a target used by Russian forces to identify and attack media teams with drones.

 

In the past four years, 16 journalists have been killed while reporting from Ukraine, while 62 more have been wounded. The perpetrators of these war crimes continue to act with impunity and none of those responsible have been held accountable to date.

 

Twenty-six Ukrainian journalists are meanwhile still being held in Russian custody, mostly on trumped-up charges of ‘terrorism’ or ‘espionage’. Testimonies by journalists released from Russian captivity paint a picture of systematic mistreatment and torture.

 

In this context, the tragic and still unexplained death of Ukrainian journalist Victoria Roshchyna in Russian custody in September 2024 continues to underscore fears for the safety of other imprisoned journalists.

 

Across Ukraine media and journalists also face increasingly challenging working conditions, as Russian attacks continue to target the country’s critical infrastructure. These have left media offices without heating, power or running water, with Russia continuing to strike Ukraine’s energy systems throughout a harsh winter season and sub-zero temperatures.

 

On the anniversary of the full-scale invasion, MFRR partners continue to stand in full solidarity with journalists and media workers facing these situations. In the past four years, Ukrainian journalists have offered a remarkable example to their European colleagues by continuing their work in extremely challenging wartime conditions, with many losing their lives or injured while documenting the horrors of war. MFRR partners will continue to monitor, advocate and provide support to the Ukrainian media community now and in the future, as we continue to support the fight for free and independent journalism in Ukraine.

 

In this context, we call on all stakeholders with diplomatic and advocacy leverage to pursue immediate and sustained efforts towards the release of the Ukrainian journalists still held behind bars.

 

As peace negotiations continue, we also urge the international community to embed accountability for violations against journalists within broader justice and accountability mechanisms addressing the Russian war against Ukraine With regards to the situation of media on the frontline, we call for the respect by all parties of international humanitarian law, which guarantees journalists access to zones of armed combat and offers them protection as members of the press.

 

Finally, we call for an urgent refocusing of international support for Ukrainian media, including through funding mechanisms to rebuild critical media infrastructure destroyed across Ukraine.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Turkey: Media freedom, freedom of expression and human rights…

Turkey: Media freedom, freedom of expression and human rights groups urge authorities to release and drop charges against journalist Alican Uludağ

The undersigned media freedom, freedom of expression and human rights organisations strongly condemn the arrest of Deutsche Welle (DW) correspondent Alican Uludağ and call on the Turkish authorities to drop all charges against him and cease the judicial harassment of journalists reporting on matters of public interest.

20.02.2026

On the evening of February 19, investigative journalist Alican Uludağ was detained by dozens of police officers who raided his home in Ankara and confiscated his digital equipment. The journalist was then transferred to Istanbul for interrogation and formally arrested on February 20. 

 

The Istanbul Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office announced that Uludağ was detained as part of an investigation on charges of “insulting the president” and “disseminating disinformation,” citing his social media posts related to news coverage in its announcement. The journalist was subsequently arrested on the charge of “insulting the president” following his interrogation.

 

DW has reported that the detention is specifically linked to Uludağ’s December 2024 coverage regarding the deadly 2016 Istanbul Atatürk Airport attack and his social media posts criticizing the measures taken by the Turkish government. 

 

In 2024, Uludağ detailed the overturning of aggravated life sentences for six ISIS members who were imprisoned in relation to the airport attack, leading to their subsequent release. Despite confirming the accuracy of the reported releases, the Directorate of Communications paradoxically accused the journalist of “disseminating disinformation,” claiming the reporting was intended to create a “false public perception.”

 

Uludağ’s unjustified detention is the latest example of the instrumentalization of criminal justice in Turkey to suppress press freedom. Reporting on court rulings and covering high-profile trials is a fundamental duty of the press and is essential for public accountability.

 

Our organisations stress that Uludağ is an award-winning journalist known for his rigorous coverage of judicial affairs, human rights violations, and corruption. The use of judicial harassment and disproportionate police presence to silence a well-known investigative journalist constitutes a clear act of intimidation and is aimed at chilling investigative reporting in Turkey.

 

The undersigned organisations call on the Turkish authorities to immediately and unconditionally release Alican Uludağ, drop all charges related to his journalistic work and social media commentary, and stop the systematic use of the “disinformation law” and “insulting the president” charges to stifle independent media.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • Balkan Investigative Reporting Network (BIRN)
  • Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)
  • Dicle Fırat Journalists Association (DFG)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • Foreign Media Association (FMA Turkey)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • Journalists’ Union of Turkey (TGS)
  • Media and Law Studies Association (MLSA)
  • Norwegian Helsinki Committee
  • PEN Norway
  • Progressive Journalist Association (ÇGD)
  • P24 Platform for Independent Journalism 

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Slovakia: MFRR partners continue to demand full justice for…

Slovakia: MFRR partners continue to demand full justice for Kuciak assassination

Ahead of the eighth anniversary of the murder of Slovak investigative journalist Ján Kuciak and his fiancée, Martina Kušnírová, the undersigned partner organisations of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) renew our call for full justice for their brutal killing.

20.02.2026

With the new retrial of the twice-acquitted but alleged mastermind Marian Kočner now again underway in Bratislava as of January 2026, hope remains that all those responsible for ordering and carrying out this assassination will eventually face justice for their crimes.

 

On 21 February 2018, Kuciak and Kušnírová were fatally shot at their home outside Bratislava. Kuciak, a reporter for the investigative outlet Aktuality.sk, was known for exposing corruption and tax fraud schemes involving businessman Kočner and prominent figures linked to the ruling Smer-SSD party and organised crime networks.

 

Four people have so far been convicted and sentenced for the murders, including the hitmen and intermediaries. However, Kočner, who was accused of masterminding the crime after threatening Kuciak, has twice been acquitted due to a lack of conclusive evidence.

 

On January 26, the Special Criminal Court in Bratislava began deliberations in the retrial of Kočner. These new proceedings follow the Supreme Court’s decision to overturn Kočner’s acquittal in May 2025. The case is being heard by a newly constituted court panel.

 

Eight years after the brutal assassination of Ján Kuciak and Martina Kušnírová, the media environment in Slovakia is under clear pressure, marked by dangerous rhetoric against the press by governing politicians, advancing media capture and the steady erosion of media freedom. 

 

Since the re-election of Prime Minister Robert Fico and the ruling coalition led by his populist Smer party in 2023, attacks on journalists have significantly intensified, including physical assaults, smear campaigns, verbal abuse and legal harassment.

 

As we honour the memory of Kuciak, our organisations urge the Slovak government to uphold media freedom, end all forms of harassment and smear campaigns against journalists, and ensure that the press can carry out its watchdog role without fear of reprisal. 

 

Our organisations will continue to closely monitor the ongoing retrial and plan to attend the verdict. Until then, we remain committed to advocating for justice for Ján and Martina until full justice is achieved, as in every instance where journalists’ safety is at risk or compromised.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI) 
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe 
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Poland: Opinion on EMFA reform of Broadcasting Law

Poland: Opinion on EMFA reform of Broadcasting Law

The International Press Institute (IPI), the European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF), the European Federation of Journalists (EFJ) and Free Press Unlimited (FPU) provide the following contribution to the public consultation into the draft act to amend the Polish Broadcasting and Television Act. The draft Act published by the Ministry of Culture and National Heritage represents a core element of the implementation of the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA).

28.01.2026

The International Press Institute (IPI), the European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF), the European Federation of Journalists (EFJ) and Free Press Unlimited (FPU) provide the following contribution to the public consultation into the draft act to amend the Polish Broadcasting and Television Act. The draft Act published by the Ministry of Culture and National Heritage represents a core element of the implementation of the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA).

 

The submission is made as part of our four organisations work in the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide consortium that monitors threats against media freedom and advocates for measures to improve the freedom of the press in European Member States and Candidate Countries. This opinion submission was led by IPI and supported by ECPMF, EFJ and FPU.

 

MFRR partners held an international press freedom mission to Warsaw in 2024 to meet with the new government and call for democratic reform. The recommendations from that mission were published in the following report. This submission follows the engagement of the MFRR with Polish authorities during the visit, builds on individual reports of partner organisations and MFRR monitoring in 2025.

 

MFRR partners have been among the key international media freedom bodies advocating strongly for the European Media Freedom Act (EU Regulation 2024/1083) and our organisations have engaged with the European Commission in all stages of its design, creation and implementation. In line with this commitment, our organisations provide the following opinion on the draft amendment of the Broadcasting Act, which we hope will have a positive effect on creating additional safeguards for the protection of free and independent journalism in Poland.

 


Introduction

The draft act to amend the Broadcasting and Television Act overall represents a positive but incomplete initiative to reform Polish media legislation and create additional safeguards to protect free and independent media in Poland. In its current form it represents a rule of law-oriented effort to implement elements of the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA), which entered into full force in August 2025. Our organisations commend the public consultation and the invitation to civil society and media organisations to participate. After this analysis, recommendations for changes to the draft amendment are outlined at the end of this submission.

 

Strengthening independence and the role of the National Broadcasting Council

A central pillar of the draft amendment involves the reformulation of the National Broadcasting Council (KRRiT) and measures to strengthen its independence. In a major change, the number of members on the KRRiT would be increased from five to nine, with four appointed by Sejm, two by the Senate and three by the President. One-third of the members will be replaced every two years.

 

KRRiT’s mandate would be expanded. Functions would include supporting self‑regulation in audience measurement and supporting the Media Ethics Council. It would also oversee and maintain a new database on media ownership and flows of state advertising to media. Under new EMFA rules, it would also be tasked with assessing media mergers and acquisitions through the lens of media pluralism and editorial independence (see below).

 

Under the draft legislation, the system for appointments to the expanded KRRiT would also be updated to strengthen selection criteria. Applicants would not be able to have been members of a political party in the past five years and must not have held party functions or have run on party lists in the last decade. Candidates would also require the written support of media or cultural NGOs. All appointment decisions must be preceded by public hearings with civil‑society participation. Decisions made by KRRiT’s chair would now need prior consent by the council.

 

Our organisations welcome the proposed reforms to KRRiT, which aligns with Article 7 of EMFA regarding the independence of national regulatory authorities. Under previous governments, KRRiT has undergone repeated cycles of politicisation, eroding its independence. The organisations notes the highly problematic actions of its former chair, who took disproportionate and unilateral actions against media reporting critical of the government. The requirement for decisions made by KRRiT’s chair to require consent from the council would strengthen democratic decision-making and are therefore particularly welcome.

 

We also welcome changes to criteria and civil society support for appointments, which would help improve the professionalism and independence of future candidates. An increased number of councillors on the KRRiT would also make any future political capture of the regulator more challenging, though not impossible. Overall, these changes would add safeguards but not firewalls, and the KRRiT should be closely monitored by civil society bodies.

 

Our organisations underscore that the independent functioning of KRRiT would be crucial to the success of the proposed reforms, including the strengthening of the independence of Poland’s public media. Considering the KRRiT’s members would be chosen by the Sejm, Senate and President, some level of political influence would remain. Some of the current KRRiT members exemplify these challenges.

 

The expansion of its mandate and centralisation of powers – spanning PSM performance and involvement of appointments, funding allocation, licensing regulation, and pluralism opinion – poses structural risks. Our organisations therefore urges a phased process of implementation to ensure KRRiT is reformed before its mandate is expanded. Options should be explored for a staggered implementation of the law to guarantee this.

 

Given the extension of the mandate of the KRRiT and the concentration of powers, we also urge the Ministry to assess whether the budget of the regulatory body is sufficient to adequately carry out its foreseen roles and responsibilities. However, additional funding, if required, should also be tied to reforms of KRRiT which increase its independence.

 

Regarding the proposed role of KRRiT in supporting the implementation of journalistic codes of ethics, our organisations stress that any increased involvement in ethics development by KRRiT should be either limited or scrapped. Media ethics should be the sole self-regulatory responsibility of media and journalists, not a politically-appointed regulator.

 

Dissolution of National Media Council

Under the draft amendment, the National Media Council (NMC) would be abolished. Article 1(18) of the draft bill repeals Articles 27–28a of the Broadcasting Act, which govern the NMC’s establishment, composition and powers. This would render the 2016 law establishing NMC obsolete. Upon dissolution, the NMC’s authority to appoint supervisory boards and management for public media (TVP, Polish Radio, PAP) would revert to the National Broadcasting Council (KRRiT). The NMC was established in 2016 by the Law and Justice (PiS) party to oversee public media, with powers to appoint and dismiss their boards and supervisory boards, approve programme councils and ensure alignment with the “national interest” in public broadcasting.

 

Partner organisations of the MFRR have strongly criticised the function and independence of the National Media Council. Its establishment in 2016 bypassed the existing constitutional body, KRRiT, to establish a separate public media regulator dominated, by design, by political allies and MPs. Through the NMC, PiS wielded significant power in deciding the composition of the country’s public media, handing the party considerable influence over shaping programming and editorial policy. Although the Polish Constitutional Tribunal ruled in December 2016 that the circumvention of the KRRiT’s mandate was unconstitutional, the government used a legal ambiguity to block any reform.

 

Our organisations therefore support the abolition of the National Media Council, which represents a core element in the previous government’s system of capture of the country’s public media. The dismantling of the NMC will return Poland’s media regulatory landscape to constitutional order and eliminate a key lever of government interference over public media, now and in the future. If implemented, the transfer of its powers back to a reformed KRRiT could support the depoliticisation of TVP and would hopefully speed up the end of the current state of liquidation.

 

It should again be stressed that reform of KRRiT to increase its independence and professionalism is vital to securing overall improvement to media regulation. The transfer of the NMC’s regulatory powers to the KRRiT must be preceded by the strengthening of the regulator’s functional independence. Centralising such regulatory powers in the KRRiT without first guaranteeing its independence poses serious risks. Our organisations again stresses the need for a phased process of implementation to ensure KRRiT is reformed before its mandate is expanded. Options should be explored for a staggered implementation to guarantee this.

 

Public media – funding cuts and transfer to tax‑based model

Under the draft amendment, the funding model for public media in Poland would shift from a primarily licence-fee subscription model to an integrated tax‑based model. The current subscription fee would be replaced in 2027 with an audiovisual payment embedded into annual personal income tax declarations. These changes would guarantee at least 2.5 billion PLN (€590 million) per year for 2027–2036. The annual budget would be set by the Finance Minister, allowing significant discretionary power, but would be approved by parliament.

 

Our organisations recognise the ineffectiveness of the current licence fee system. However, our organisations note with concern that, according to estimates, this proposed annual budget would be more than 30% lower than 2024 projections and represents only 0.06% of GDP. According to the European Broadcasting Union, this would rank Poland 26 out of 27 EU countries for public media funding, well below the EU average of 0.12% of GDP.

 

Article 5 of EMFA requires Poland to ensure public service media have editorial independence, transparent governance and stable and adequate funding. While the proposed reform would foresee ‘stable’ funding until 2036 on paper, the cut of 30% undermines alignment with EMFA rules on ‘adequate’ PSM funding. The foreseen cut would add financial strain to an already lost list of challenges facing the broadcasters, which remain under liquidation.

 

We therefore urge the government to rethink the proposed tax‑based model to ensure changes from 2027 would not result in significant budget cuts. We urge the Ministry of Culture and National heritage to guarantee funding of at least 0.12% of GDP, ensuring Poland remains within the EU average. A failure of the government to provide adequate and sustainable funding would undermine the ability of Poland’s public media to continue their process of reform.

 

The MFRR partners also warn that replacing the licence fee with budgetary subsidies, set by the Finance Minister, would make public media vulnerable to government decisions. Even if the funding requires parliamentary approval, this could potentially contradict EMFA Article 5 on independence. Annual budget cycles, while legally guaranteeing a minimum budget, could leave funding vulnerable to destabilising annual fluctuations. Additional safeguards should be implemented to ensure the annual allocation by the Minister is handled in a transparent, proportionate, non-discriminatory and merit-based manner, with strong parliamentary oversight. Ultimately, the abolition of the subscription fee should only be undertaken if funding is guaranteed in a model which is truly stable, without major cuts, and independent of government.

 

Public service media – appointments and governing procedures

Public service media governance would also be redesigned. Telewizja Polska, Polish Radio, and the 17 regional broadcasters, would be brought together under a unified governance model. As outlined above, the National Media Council would be eliminated and its powers would return to the KRRiT. Supervisory boards and programme councils would be reduced to nine members and partly filled through competitions organised by KRRiT, based on civil society and staff nominations, with published rankings and reasoning for transparent choices made. Editors‑in‑chief would be appointed from shortlists prepared by the TVP and PR programme councils, following consultations with editorial teams and trade unions. The overall position of manager of the PSM would be held in a single role.

 

Our organisations is broadly in favour of the new system for management appointments, which represents a significant improvement on the current system. The proposed changes would increase transparency in the appointment procedure and increase democratic decision-making. We particularly welcome the switch to the appointment of the editor-in-chiefs by the programme council, instead of the NMC, or KRRiT, and new rules to ensure that appointees to these management positions do have demonstrable political connections. If properly implemented and overseen by an independent KRRiT, the proposed changes should help depoliticise the broadcasters and considerably limit the political influence over both future programming and editorial decision-making. Moving forward, we urge the current unstable state of liquidation at public media to be ended in the soonest possible timeframe.

 

While successive governments in Poland failed to create conditions for independent public media, the politicisation of TVP under the previous government caused significant harm. Considerable work remains to be done to limit political influence, professionalise and modernise the broadcasters for the digital age, and rebuild badly damaged public trust. The change in management appointment system will not be enough on its own to undo this damage and will take commitment and time. We again stress that the success of the reform of the public media will be closely tied to the reform of KRRiT. The concentration of appointment procedures for public media in the hands of a single regulatory body poses risks if the independence of the KRRiT is not first guaranteed.

 

Media ownership transparency and state advertising transparency

The draft amendment foresees the establishment of a new system for tracking transparency of media ownership structures and state advertising in media. This database would be overseen by KRRiT. Regarding advertising transparency, it would ensure all allocation of public money to media in the form of state advertising is conducted in a transparent, impartial, inclusive and proportionate and non-discriminatory manner, backed by audits and sanctions. All public entities would be obliged to supply information to KRRiT on their criteria for advertising. In addition, the KRRIT would also maintain an up-to-date database on ownership structures of media entities. The regulator would also be obliged to issue advisory opinions in media‑merger cases and to monitor the market for pluralism and editorial independence.

 

Our organisations support the proposed reforms, which would implement Article 25 of EMFA. As our organisations have identified, under the previous PiS-led government state advertising by public bodies was distorted into a form of reward system for positive coverage, with independent media critical of the government deliberately cut off from these funds. This weaponisation of state advertising to punish watchdog journalism is a central element of media capture. Proposed measures to increase transparency over these financial flows should assist in creating much needed accountability and equity. Future attempts by administrations or regional or local governments to politicise the funding would be visible and far easier to identify and rectify. However, the success of the system in practice would require monitoring to assess the impact of its implementation.

 

To ensure strong oversight of transparent media ownership, the draft amendment should be strengthened to oblige KRRiT to examine all forms of beneficial and indirect ownership structures, with powers to investigate and request information on all non-transparent ownership. Tied to this, further assessment should examine whether the KRRiT has sufficient powers to sanction media outlets for clear breaches of transparency rules or for failing to provide information on ownership structures, while ensuring that any such powers are open to judicial review.

 

Our organisations welcomes the proposed introduction of new obligations for the assessment of media mergers, alongside UOKiK, Poland’s anti-monopoly and consumer rights watchdog. This aligns with Article 22 of the EMFA, which obliges all Member States to provide an assessment of the impact of key media market concentrations on media pluralism and editorial independence. Under the previous government, in 2020 the regional media network Polska Press was controversially acquired by the state-controlled oil company PKN Orlen, despite major concern over the shift in editorial policy to one more favourable to the government. In a legal challenge by the Ombudsman backed by the MFRR, the court rejected the obligation to consider the impact of media pluralism in the local media market when assessing the acquisition. As a result, the merger was approved and the takeover was completed. In the following months, MFRR organisations documented the editorial purge by the newly appointed management in the vast majority of media outlets acquired by Orlen. Had there been clear obligations for an impact assessment at the time, the takeover of Polska Press could have potentially been avoided. We hope that if implemented, the media pluralism test could avoid a repeat of this situation.

 

Our organisations would expect the reformed KRRiT to work with the European Board for Media Services, a new EU body comprising representatives from national media regulators, to carefully assess the impact of any future media mergers of acquisitions at either local and national level on media pluralism and editorial independence and refrain from approving deals if serious concerns emerge. An obligation should be added to require that KRRiT must automatically request an expert opinion from the European Board in all cases flagged by the Polish Ombudsman (Commissioner for Human Rights).

 

Ban on media publications by local public authorities

An earlier version of the draft amendment included plans for new rules to limit local governments’ ability to publish their own press titles. This provision would have helped limit the ability of local governments to sponsor press titles which promote the local authorities in question, especially ahead of elections. We note that the current draft amendment shared for public consultation has removed these rules. We further note the critical response to this change by the Chamber of Press Publishers, the Association of Local Newspapers and the Association of Local Media, which rightly argue that legislation is needed to strengthen local journalism in Poland.

 

The MFRR partners recognise the detrimental impact that the unfair use of state funds by local governments to publish political content has had on local media and the local advertising market. We stress that while this proposed reform is not foreseen within the scope of the EMFA, the reform of the Broadcasting Act can and should go beyond EMFA. As such, our organisations call for the reinstatement of the proposed rules on local government media publication, as initially outlined, while ensuring local authorities can continue to publish crucial information bulletins for citizens. We further stress the need for an additional government package of financial support for local media.

 

Conclusion

As outlined, the draft act to amend the Broadcasting and Television Act overall represents a welcome initiative to reform Polish media legislation, implement key elements of EMFA, and create additional safeguards to protect free and independent media in Poland. It would enhance transparency, good governance and pluralism safeguards. However, there remains space for improvement to create safer guardrails for the independence of the regulatory body KRRiT and help support the sustained reform and depoliticisation of public media.

 

The draft law is undermined by the proposed changes to the system of funding for the public media, which would result in a substantial loss of revenue and could result in unstable annual fluctuations in budgeting. Drastic cuts to the funding for public media must be addressed and additional safeguards must be implemented to ensure the independence of the reformed KRRiT is undertaken before its mandate is significantly extended.

 

If ultimately implemented, and improved with the following recommendations, we believe these reforms would partially undo damage done to Poland’s landscape for media freedom under previous governments, especially that led by PiS, and construct much needed defences against future capture of the media ecosystem.

 

The bill therefore represents a measured and democratic attempt to depoliticise the public broadcasting and media freedom landscape in a proportionate and non-discriminatory manner. Our organisations also assessed that the draft amendment does not include significant additions beyond the scope of the European Media Freedom Act.

 

Until these reforms are fulfilled, Poland will remain frozen in a state of media freedom limbo: trapped with many of the previous damaging changes but unable to reverse them or safeguard against future threats.

 

While other EU countries have already implemented the European Media Freedom Act, Poland lags behind. Our organisations are aware that ultimately the passing of the draft bill into law will depend on its approval by President Nawrocki and are committed to advocating for the passing of the legislative reform despite these limitations.

 

To further improve the quality of the draft amendment, the undersigned partner organisations of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) outline the following recommendations.

 

Recommendations:

– Implement a phased implementation approach to ensure that reform of KRRiT is completed or significantly advanced before its mandate is expanded, to ensure independent media regulation

– To add additional safeguards, detach KRRiT’s assessment powers -such as public service mission performance – from sanctioning and regulatory functions, such as funding allocation and appointment procedures.

– Clarify the methodologies and decision making powers governing KRRiT’s expanded powers, ensuring they are transparent and have the backing of media and civil society groups

– Oblige KRRiT to examine all forms of beneficial and indirect ownership structures, with powers to investigate and request information on all non-transparent media ownership, with transparent criteria and justifications provided for assessments and disclosure powers

– Further assessment to examine whether the KRRiT has sufficient powers to sanction media outlets for clear breaches of transparency rules or for failing to provide information on ownership structures. Provide clarity on the sanctions possible for non compliance with disclosure.

– Assess whether the budget of KRRiT is sufficient to adequately carry out its foreseen expanded roles and responsibilities. Additional funding, if required, should also be tied to reforms of the regulatory body which increase its independence

– Any increased involvement of KRRiT in supporting or promoting journalistic ethics should be either significantly limited or scrapped, as media ethics should be the sole self-regulatory responsibility of media and journalists

– Guarantee a system funding of at least 0.12% of GDP for public media, ensuring Poland remains within the EU funding average

– Examine the possibility of multi-year planning for public media budgets to avoid short-term yearly planning schedules and increase predictability

– Ensure the system for allocation of media budgets provided by the Finance Ministry by KRRiT are clearly grounded in law under a transparent methodology

– Add additional safeguards to ensure the annual allocation of funding by the Finance Minister is handled in a transparent, proportionate, non-discriminatory and merit-based manner

– Clarify the relationship between KRRiT and UOKiK regarding media merger assessments and the powers of both bodies, under the new system, to block or challenge media mergers identified as posing a threat to media pluralism or editorial independence

–  Reinstate the originally proposed rules on banning local government media publication, while ensuring local authorities can continue to publish crucial information bulletins

–  Complement the amendment of the Broadcasting Act with additional measures to support local and regional media, to bolster local democracy reporting

–   Take steps to push forward reforms to the public media governance with urgency, ensuring the end of the current state of liquidation and a return to stability for public media employees

 

The undersigned organisations remain open to further communication and dialogue with the Polish government and President in the ongoing creation and debate on the implementation of this bill and wider EMFA reforms, as well as with the journalistic and civil society community.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

EU: MFRR contributes to European Union annual Rule of…

EU: MFRR contributes to European Union annual Rule of Law report

MFRR partners share a statement condemning the threats and attacks against journalists and media workers when covering demonstrations and protests in Germany, France, Slovenia, Greece, Spain, Poland and Italy. The MFRR calls for increased protection for media freedom across Europe from protestors, unknown 3rd parties and police officers to ensure they are free to continue their work informing the public.

27.01.2026

MFRR organisations provided submissions on 15 EU Member States and candidate countries: Belgium, Bulgaria, Croatia, Denmark, Greece, Finland, France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Netherlands, Poland, Serbia, Slovakia and Spain.

 

Submissions on media freedom and pluralism provided updates about implementation and lack thereof of recommendations from the 2025 Rule of Law report, new legislative or regulatory developments, as well as cases of attacks and threats against journalists and media.

 

In the year that the EU’s European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) came into full force, the submissions provided detailed updates on the mixed picture for the implementation of the EU regulation across the bloc.

 

Data was provided from the MFRR’s Mapping Media Freedom (MapMF) platform, which is the largest public database of violations of press and media freedom in Europe. MapMF recorded 1481 press freedom violations affecting 2377 journalists and other media professionals across the European Union member states and candidate countries during 2025.

 

Submissions for the report also provided key information gathered by MFRR partner organisations during fact-finding and advocacy missions to EU countries throughout the past year. Information was also provided on cases of Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPPs), as part of MFRR partner’s regular monitoring.

 

Ahead of the preparation of the annual report, MFRR partners again call for the report to include significantly strengthened and more detailed recommendations for reform in country chapters, especially those facing systemic attacks on media freedom and pluralism, with recommendations tied to strong enforcement mechanisms in case of non-implementation.

 

Our organisations again stress that the findings of the report must act as the foundation for sustained action to safeguard EU values and push for strong implementation of the European Media Freedom Act, and feed into the development of the European Democracy Shield. Submissions by MFRR partners will be published and publicly available on the report website.

This rule of law submission was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries. Submissions were coordinated under the MFRR but submitted by individual consortium partners.

MFRR welcomes European Democracy Shield draft report and proposes…

MFRR welcomes European Democracy Shield draft report and proposes further protections for journalists

The Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) partners welcome the European Commission’s EU Democracy Shield initiative and the European Parliament’s Special Committee’s Rapporteur’s draft report published on 21 January. While the Shield lays out critical political priorities and policy measures to defend democracy, these require further operationalisation. The MFRR reiterates its calls for a comprehensive action plan that elaborates on the concrete implementation and timeline for these commitments.

23 January 2026

The MFRR partners, therefore, share this more detailed response that aims to translate the political commitments of the Democracy Shield into concrete actions that can feed into the Parliamentary Debate on 29 January, and consequent amending procedure.

 

We are happy to see that Draft Report recognises our monitoring data, citing it to portray the increased intensity of attacks against journalists, and its interplay with disinformation campaigns and foreign interference. In light of this, the amendments MFRR seeks to promote focus on specific topics of media freedom, media pluralism and the protection of journalists. 

 

Our organisations seek to emphasise topics that are inseparable from European values of democracy and human rights, as well as European security and the safeguarding of the information ecosystem. We commend the Draft Report for emphasising the importance of media in the next Multi-annual Financial Framework (MFF), and we reiterate our calls for allocating adequate mechanisms for independent media viability and long-term financing.

 

MFRR truly believes that media and independent journalism should become a part of critical infrastructure and be treated as such. We welcome the strong focus on Anti-SLAPP initiatives and invite the European Parliament to provide concrete steps on the topics of protecting journalists, supporting journalists in exile, and the enforcement of  European Media Freedom Act (EMFA), Digital Services Act (DSA) and other EU acts.

 

More specifically, MFRR welcomes that the Democracy Shield prioritises the safety and protection of journalists, a critical prerequisite for an independent and plural media environment. We also welcome the announcement to scale up rapid response work with trusted partners, to update the Recommendation on the Safety of Journalists and review the Anti-SLAPP Recommendation and to adopt guidelines to support the implementation of EU rules. We call for these protections to be extended both in terms of increased physical security, including non-lethal violence, and legal protection, such as decriminalisation of defamation, and a stronger opposition to foreign agent-style laws.

 

The MFRR also welcomes the Democracy Shield’s commitment to provide core support to exiled independent journalists and media outlets and to sustain high quality independent media outlets in key partner countries. The EU remains a critical safe haven for journalists at risk worldwide, especially against the backdrop of rising authoritarianism and increased crises. While some EU Member States have stepped forward in offering short-term relocation and protection to journalists in distress, the EU falls short in offering durable and structural protection. In addition, authoritarian regimes continue to target journalists abroad through digital harassment, surveillance and physical attacks. Transnational repression (TNR) requires a coordinated EU response, which the Shield is currently lacking. 

 

Finally, safeguarding the integrity of the information space across the EU block and candidate countries is one of the core objectives of the Democracy Shield. The report recognises and prioritises the threats that foreign information manipulation and interference (FIMI) poses to democracies and citizen’s rights, including its impact on media freedom and independent journalism. The MFRR calls for a concrete action plan for the functioning of the Centre for Democratic Resilience, and a stronger involvement of journalists and media. As well as stronger support to independent journalists.

 

MFRR partners sincerely hope to see these recommendations integrated into future drafts and a final report. Our organisations remain open to dialogue and meetings with EU institutions in the drafting process. We intend to remain fully engaged on the initiatives stemming from the European Democracy Shield, both as MFRR, and within wider civil society efforts.

Public letter: Bosnian public broadcaster BHRT requires urgent action…

Public letter: Bosnian public broadcaster BHRT requires urgent action from Office of High Representative

Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) partners have voiced serious concern today in a public letter to the High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina, Christian Schmidt, over the lack of political action on the future of the state broadcaster, Radio-Television of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BHRT). We called on him to use his legal authority to secure a viable solution amid the continued absence of institutional response and political will within Bosnia and Herzegovina’s institutions.

21.01.2026

Dear High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina Mr Christian Schmidt,

 

The undersigned media freedom and journalist organisations from across Europe are writing to you today to express our consternation regarding the absence of political action regarding the future of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s state-level broadcaster, Radio-Television of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BHRT). With this letter, we urge you to take action and use your legal powers to find a viable solution in the absence of institutional response and political will within the BiH institutions.

 

We are aware that for years, BHRT has been facing serious financial challenges due to a deep institutional crisis and debts primarily incurred by entity-level broadcaster RTRS, which has brought the national public broadcaster to the brink of collapse. Politicians have openly disregarded the law, resulting in only minimal funds reaching BHRT, against a backdrop of inter-entity funding disputes.

 

According to BHRT staff, the situation has now reached a point where accounts will be frozen and where employees work with the constant fear of not receiving their minimum salaries and of losing their job in a couple of months.

 

The undersigned partners of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) support demands by the Independent Union of Workers at BHRT in calling on you to use your mandate and Bonn powers to end the agony of the public service media. 

 

Previous calls by the MFRR to national authorities and EU institutions to engage in remedying the situation have not yielded results, which is why we now call on you, as High Representative, to act.

 

Having in mind that the procedures are being obstructed and blocked at the Ministerial and Parliamentary levels, leaving little space for a legitimate action on a national level, we urge you to take the initiative and put an end to this untenable situation for BHRT workers and citizens alike. The situation requires immediate solutions, and you can use your Bonn powers to provide a much-needed temporary co-financing to preserve what is left of independent public broadcasting service on a national level.

 

A public service media is not only a media or an institution: it is a cornerstone of a democratic society. With general elections scheduled in October 2026, the disappearance of BHRT would mean the loss of an important source of reliable information at a critical moment for voters and would further deteriorate the country’s media space, leaving it vulnerable to potential foreign influences through controlled media.

 

The undersigned organisations reiterate their solidarity with BHRT journalists and media workers who keep informing Bosnian citizens despite the dramatic conditions they work in. We join them in urging immediate action to save the public broadcaster and ultimately protect the interests of Bosnian citizens in their access to independent, pluralistic and reliable information.

Signed by:

  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.