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Media in Serbia: Attacks and pressure are intensifying

Media in Serbia: attacks and pressure are intensifying

Journalists and outlets critical of Serbia’s political leadership are consistently targeted by high-ranking state officials, with professional associations reporting a record number of physical and verbal attacks. Despite international backlash, the government and aligned media continue their smear campaign against critical voices.

23 March 2026

At the end of February, the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) published its Killed List Report 2025, an annual report on killings and attacks against journalists. The report shows that Serbia is one of the European countries with the highest number of attacks against journalists and cases of journalist murders that remain unpunished.

 

The IFJ explains that in 2025, the largest number of journalists lost their lives while carrying out their work in conflict zones, such as Gaza, where the Israeli army killed at least 56 Palestinian media workers last year. The report highlights that attacks on journalists also occurred during protests in many European countries, “with the highest levels of physical in Georgia, Serbia and Turkey”.

 

In Serbia, 44 physical attacks against journalists were recorded in 2025, compared to 14 in 2024, as confirmed by data published on Mapping Media Freedom.

 

These assaults include “excessive use of force by law enforcement officers, as well as arrests, mainly during anti-corruption protests. Journalists and journalism students were affected”, writes the IFJ.

 

Serbia is not an isolated case. The IFJ’s annual report shows that attacks on journalists have intensified globally, registering a significant increase (almost 13%) compared to 2024.

 

The International Federation of Journalists focuses in particular on impunity for journalist murders and disappearances, seeing it as “another worrying finding”. The Council of Europe’s platform for the safety of journalists lists all cases of journalist murders that have remained unpunished. Of a total of fifty cases, nineteen involve journalists killed or disappeared in Kosovo between 1998 and 2005.

 

Among the countries with the highest number of unsolved journalist murders are Russia, Turkey, Ukraine and Serbia. One of the crimes than “remain scandalously unpunished” is the murder of Slavko Ćuruvija in Belgrade in April 1999.

Attacks continue

Assaults on journalists, unfortunately, continued in the first three months of 2026, and there is no hope of an end, as confirmed by journalists’ associations that carefully monitor and document attacks on media professionals. According to data released by the Independent Association of Journalists of Serbia (NUNS), 38 incidents were recorded in January and 34 in February, including eight physical attacks and as many death threats.

 

In January, the Slavko Ćuruvija Foundation (SĆF) recorded 160 verbal attacks against critical media and journalists by senior state officials and members of the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS). In February, the number of attacks rose to 71.

 

The Foundation’s analysis shows that the majority of attacks recorded since the beginning of 2026 came from SNS MPs Nebojša Bakarec and Milenko Jovanov, Parliament Speaker Ana Brnabić, Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić, and SNS leader Miloš Vučević. In its monthly report “Politicians Against Journalists in Serbia”, the SĆF states that the daily newspaper Danas, television stations N1 and Nova S, and, for the first time, the portal Istinomer, were the most targeted in February.

 

“As has become customary”, denounces the SĆF, “the targeted media outlets were labeled as anti-Serb, Ustasha, blokaderi and tycoon media, criminal Šolak’s media, poisonous, and the journalists of those editorial offices were labeled as fake journalists of Šolak’s media, cynics of the tycoon media, idiots of N1 and Nova S, lobbyists of N1 and Nova S, socio-political operators passing themselves off as journalists, self-proclaimed journalists and the like”.

 

The media are attacked for various reasons: sometimes for covering certain political issues, such as the recent amendment to the Judiciary Law and the visit of a European Parliament delegation to Belgrade, other times for covering civic and student protests and addressing uncomfortable issues such as the arrest of suspects in an alleged assassination attempt on Vučić and the protest in Novi Sad during the Matica Srpska anniversary celebrations.

 

These are mostly direct attacks, in which officials discredit the media and journalists, calling into question their professionalism and independence. One in ten attacks involves accusing journalists and the media of being traitors and foreign mercenaries, while one in five involves dehumanisation. Over a fifth of the attacks target journalists, accusing them of inciting, preparing and supporting criminal acts.

 

The goal of all attacks is to discredit, silence and intimidate independent and critical voices.

 

“In most cases, officials discredit the media and journalists, calling into question their professionalism, independence and honesty. […] Independent media have been accused, without any evidence, of inciting Vučić’s murder, of being ‘media sponsors of crimes and violence’ and of wanting to ‘hang, ride, and kill’ political opponents”, reads the report.

Malicious campaigns and hacker attacks

The beginning of the year was also marked by the campaign against Veran Matić, president of the board of the Association of Independent Electronic Media (ANEM) and a member of the Permanent Working Group on Journalists’ Safety. Specifically, the Center for Social Stability, a Novi Sad-based organisation close to the ruling leadership, produced a documentary in which Matić is labeled an enemy of the Serbian state and society and a foreign agent working against Serbia for decades. Given that the film was broadcast by numerous pro-government outlets, it is clear that this was a malicious campaign orchestrated against Matić, as confirmed by the Coalition for Media Freedom.

 

In addition to traditional attacks, the beginning of the year also saw numerous hacks targeting several media outlets, including Radar, Južne Vesti and Glas Šumadije. The Coalition for Media Freedom warns that these attacks are part of a broader, ongoing campaign threatening freedom of expression. The scale and intensity of the attacks suggest that the campaign is not driven by individuals, but by well-organised structures with significant financial resources.

 

As the Coalition for Media Freedom points out, the attacks are coordinated and often coincide with important political events, such as elections, protests and the publication of journalistic investigations. Although international institutions and Serbian organisations have repeatedly called for clarification on these cases, to date no cyberattack against media outlets in Serbia has resulted in a judicial outcome, nor has the identity of those responsible been identified.

 

“Hacking media websites is a crime, and the relevant institutions have an obligation to investigate and identify those responsible. Identifying those responsible is crucial to protecting media content, security and the public’s right to timely information”, says the Coalition for Media Freedom.

 

In a country like Serbia, where the ruling elite holds all public institutions hostage – including the Regulatory Body for Electronic Media (REM), which should be the first to respond to serious violations of the law – it is unlikely that attacks on the media, and on critical voices in general, will cease spontaneously.

 

The consequences of years of impunity for attacks against media workers and the growing presence of hate speech in the media, often emanating from high-ranking state officials and their associates, have long been felt. These phenomena contribute to the climate of impunity and legitimise pressure on journalists, thus restricting the space for free and critical journalism.

 

Without a clear institutional response and the political will to protect journalists and media freedom, this trend will not only continue but will undermine fundamental democratic principles and citizens’ right to timely and truthful information.

This publication was coordinated by the Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa as part of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Event

Media freedom in Hungary at a crossroads ahead of…

Media freedom in Hungary at a crossroads ahead of election

2 April, 15:00 CET

As the general election approaches on 12 April 2026, the fate of media freedom in Hungary stands at yet another major crossroads.

 

If the Fidesz party of Prime Minister Viktor Orbán triumphs again, leading officials have already threatened to “complete” the job of driving “pseudo journalists” and media organisations which receive foreign funds out of the country. After 15 years of the dramatic erosion of press freedom and media pluralism, another four years of authoritarian rule would likely see the space for independent journalism shrink further, and the potential return of a previously shelved foreign funding bill.

 

If the opposition party led by challenger Péter Magyar wins, his Tisza party has pledged in their manifesto to carry out major media reforms to address “state propaganda” and “disinformation”, including by adopting a new media law, reforming media regulatory bodies, suspending public media news broadcasting after taking office until reforms are carried out, and putting a temporary moratorium on state advertising in media.

 

Taken together, the opposition’s reform agenda appears aimed at breaking the government monopoly on information in Hungary’s media ecosystem. However, in a media landscape future proofed by Fidesz against major structural reform, there are already growing concerns that the measures used to do so by a Tisza government could bring their own risks and face major legal and political challenges.

 

In this one-hour session on 3 April, the International Press Institute (IPI) and the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) will bring together leading Hungarian media experts and journalists to analyse these diverging paths post-election and discuss different recommendations for long-term, democratic reform.

 

On the panel, we’ll hear from the authors of a new report by the Rule of Law Lab at New York University School of Law, in collaboration with Hungarian watchdog Mérték Media Monitor, which analyses 15 years of Fidesz’s playbook for repressing independent media.

 

The International Press Institute (IPI) will also present its blueprint for media reform in Hungary, featuring key recommendations for regenerating media freedom and pluralism in the country.

Register here

Moderator

Jamie Wiseman

Senior Europe Advocacy Officer, International Press Institute (IPI)

Speakers

Bea Bodrogi

Hungarian media law expert and expert advisor at the Rule of Law Lab at New York University School of Law

Dr. Gábor Polyák

Professor and head of the Department of Media and Communication at Eötvös Loránd University, senior researcher of Mertek Media Monitor

Flora Garamvolgyi

Hungarian-American global affairs reporter for The Guardian

Allgemein

Serbia: Coordinated smear campaign by the Centre for Social…

Serbia: Coordinated smear campaign by the Centre for Social Stability requires urgent response from authorities

Over the past month, the Centre for Social Stability, a non-governmental organisation known for targeting independent journalists, intensified its ongoing smear campaign against Veran Matić, President of the Association of Independent Electronic Media (ANEM) and member of the Permanent Working Group on the Safety of Journalists. The European Federation of Journalists (EFJ) strongly condemns these shameful attacks and calls on Serbian authorities to respond promptly by launching an investigation into the Center for Social Stability.

20 March 2026

On 18 March 2026, the Centre for Social Stability incited hostility towards ANEM President  Veran Matić on its social media, with a declaration dangerously echoing a 2003 remark by former Serbian President Tomislav Nikolić before the assassination of Prime Minister Zoran Đinđić.

 

Weeks before the attack, Veran Matić and other media figures were portrayed as “enemies of the state” in the documentary series ‘Evil Age 2 Creating Propaganda’. The documentary, which consists in selective framing and fabricated narratives to discredit independent journalism, was broadcast on national and cable TV on 29 January, and rebroadcast by the pro-government media Informer early February. Footage in the documentary showing Matić at the commemoration of murdered journalist Slavko Ćuruvija heightened particular concerns for his safety.

 

While multiplying dangerous rhetorics against Veran Matić, the organisation recently published a list of 45 future targets in upcoming episodes. More than half of those named are independent journalists, many affiliated with United Media Group, who have previously been targets of political pressure and threats that remain unpunished to this day.

 

Representatives of organisations tirelessly defending journalists under attack are also threatened, including Željko Bodrožić, president of the Independent Association of Journalists of Serbia (NUNS), an EFJ affiliate, and Ana Lalić Hegedis, president of the Independent Journalists’ Association of Vojvodina (NDNV).

 

This smear campaign is part of a deep-rooted trend of intimidating and silencing those who work to defend press freedom and professional journalistic standards. While the Centre for Social Stability is named as the producer, the identity of its author, narrator, and sources for the images and video remains unknown.

 

“The broadcast of such defamatory and manipulative content on television during primetime, coupled with the authorities’ lack of response, reflects a climate of impunity when it comes to attacking journalists. Those in authority, including Vučić and his party, who publicly discredit journalists and other representatives, bear responsibility for this public harassment.  We are also alarmed by the prolonged absence of a functioning Council of the Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (REM), which has permitted the dissemination of harmful and potentially dangerous content over the past two years,” said Renate Schroeder, Director of the EFJ.

 

The EFJ, alongside its partners from the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) and the Council of Europe’s Platform for the Protection of Journalists, will undertake a two-day mission to Belgrade on March 26–27. This mission is a follow-up to a previous solidarity visit, which concluded that the situation was already critical for the safety of some Serbian journalists. Since then, despite our repeated calls and recommendations, the situation has deteriorated alarmingly.

This statement was produced by EFJ as part of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Allgemein

Serbia: Media freedom mission to probe longstanding challenges and…

Serbia: Media freedom mission to probe longstanding challenges and advocate for reform

On 26-27 March 2026, partner organisations of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) and of the Council of Europe Platform for the Protection of Journalism and Safety of Journalists will conduct a mission to Serbia.

20 March 2026

Against the backdrop of ongoing challenges to media pluralism and increasing attacks and pressure on independent journalists – particularly in the wake of nationwide protests following the Novi Sad tragedy on 1 November 2024 – as highlighted by the recently launched 2025 Europe Press Freedom report of the CoE Platform partners, and the 2025  MFRR Monitoring Report, the mission will assess the current media freedom and safety of journalists’ situation in the country. The visit follows-up on a solidarity mission of media freedom groups in April 2025 to discuss possible measures to improve the safety of journalists. The delegation aims to meet with journalists, public officials, as well as representatives of civil society, international organisations, and foreign representations in Belgrade. 

 

Key topics on the agenda include violence against journalists during protests, SLAPPs, impunity for the killing of journalists, media capture, the independence of the media regulator and public service media, investigations into spyware cases, and digital threats against journalists. 

 

The partners will share their initial findings at a press conference on 27 March 2026 at 14:00, at the memorial of murdered journalist Slavko Ćuruvija (Svetogorska 35, Belgrade). 

 

The delegation will include representatives from the following organisations: ARTICLE 19 Europe, Association of European Journalists (AEJ), Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), European Broadcasting Union, European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF), European Federation of Journalists (EFJ),  Index on Censorship, International Press Institute (IPI), Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT), and Reporters Without Borders (RSF). 

 

Media contacts: 

Katia Mierzejewska, katia.mierzejewska@article19.org 

Srbija: Misija za slobodu medija ispituje dugogodišnje izazove i zagovara reforme

U periodu od 26. do 27. marta 2026. godine, partnerske organizacije Mehanizma za brzi odgovor u oblasti slobode medija (Media Freedom Rapid Response) i Platforme Saveta Evrope za bezbednost novinara sprovešće zagovaračku misiju u Srbiji.

 

U kontekstu dugotrajnih izazova za medijski pluralizam i rastućih napada i pritisaka na nezavisne novinare, posebno nakon masovnih protesta širom zemlje koji su usledili posle tragedije u Novom Sadu 1. novembra 2024. godine, misija će proceniti trenutno stanje slobode medija u zemlji.

 

Delegacija će se nadovezati na  nalaze prethodne misije solidarnosti organizacija za slobodu medija iz aprila 2025, kao i nedavno objavljenog izveštaja „Europe Press Freedom 2025“ partnerskih organizacija Platforme Saveta Evrope, kako bi se razgovaralo o mogućim merama za unapređenje bezbednosti novinara.

 

Tokom posete, delegacija će se sastati sa novinarima, predstavnicima javnih institucija i Vlade, kao i predstavnicima civilnog društva i međunarodnih organizacija.

 

Ključne teme na agendi uključuju nasilje nad novinarima tokom protesta, SLAPP tužbe, nekažnjivost za ubistva novinara, zarobljavanje medija, nezavisnost medijskog regulatora i javnih servisa, istrage u slučajevima špijunskog softvera, kao i digitalne pretnje novinarima.

 

Nakon dvodnevne misije, partneri će predstaviti početne nalaze na konferenciji za medije u Beogradu, održanoj na mestu gde je ubijen i gde se nalazi spomen-obeležje ubijenom novinaru Slavku Ćuruviji, 27. marta 2026. godine u 14:00, Svetogorska 35.

 

Delegaciju će činiti predstavnici i predstavnice sledećih organizacija: Article 19, Evropski centar za štampu i slobodu medija – European Center for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF), Evropska federacija novinara – European Federation of Journalists (EFJ), Reporteri bez graninca – Reporters Without Borders (RWB-RSF), Medjunarodni pres institut – International Press Institute (IPI), Komitet za zaštitu novinara – Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), Opservatorija za Balkan Kavkaz Transevropa – Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT), Asocijacija evropskih novinara – Association of European Journalists (AEJ), Indeks cenzure – Index on Censorship, Evropska radiodifuzna unija  – European Broadcasting Union

 

Media contacts: 

Katia Mierzejewska, katia.mierzejewska@article19.org 

Library

Georgia: New laws threaten to paralyze independent media

Georgia: New laws threaten to paralyze independent media

The International Press Institute (IPI) today strongly condemns the Georgian parliament’s adoption of a sweeping new legislative package that criminalises foreign funding and cooperation, warning it will paralyze the operations of the country’s vital independent media sector.

11.03.2026

The measures threaten to cut independent journalism and civil society off from vital lifelines of financial support and impose new forms of censorship. IPI calls on Georgia to immediately repeal these laws and cease legal harassment of the media.

Adopted on 4 March 2026, the Georgian Dream–led parliament’s legislative package dramatically expands state control over foreign funding and introduces potential criminal sanctions for cooperation with international entities or donors. It also criminalises public criticism of the government’s legitimacy, imposing additional censorship on critical reporting. Taken together, these amendments equate watchdog reporting with criminal activity.

The amendments significantly broaden the definition of a “grant” requiring government approval and introduce criminal liability, including prison sentences, for violations. The new definition of “grant” covers virtually any form of foreign funding or assistance if it serves vaguely defined political goals. Additionally, the list of entities considered as grant recipients has been expanded and now includes foreign-based organisations working on Georgia-related issues.

Under the new law, which IPI previously raised alarm over, violations may result in fines, 300–500 hours of community service, or imprisonment of up to six years, with harsher penalties in certain cases. The legislation also applies retroactively: unused grants received before the law’s enactment will require new government approval, and recipients will be barred from using the funds if permission is denied. The law will directly affect media receiving international funding for journalism projects, grants, training or travel to conferences or events outside Georgia.

In addition, the law introduces an “extremism” provision, punishing acts that “systematically” question the government’s legitimacy with up to three years’ imprisonment for individuals. Organisations, including media outlets, could face heavy fines or even forced closure if accused of committing such acts.

Intensified legal harassment

The latest proposals add to an alarming list of restrictive pieces of legislation that undermine media freedom and civil society in Georgia that were already passed in 2025 and 2024.

The adoption of repressive and undemocratic legislation, along with widespread political persecution, is unfolding at an unprecedented scale in Georgia, an EU candidate country once widely considered as a beacon of democracy in the South Caucasus.

IPI warns the GD is increasingly relying on the Russian authoritarian playbook to silence critics, undermine human rights and dismantle democratic institutions.

GD adopted the legislative package on the same day as the Supreme Court of Georgia rejected considering an appeal of two-year prison sentence of IPI World Press Freedom Hero Mzia Amaglobeli, once again signalling its determination to fully suffocate the space for independent journalism.

Moving forward, IPI renews our call on the European Union and the international community to respond robustly to the ruling party’s clampdown on media and civil society, including through additional targeted sanctions. This pressure must be applied to not only the Georgian Dream officials but every decision maker as well as judges, responsible for the crackdown on media freedom.

The OSCE’s Moscow Mechanism, for which IPI and press freedom partners provided a recent briefing on media freedom, should directly address the new legislative package and its upcoming findings. This report should prompt OSCE participating states to take concrete steps to address the situation in Georgia, as well as additional scrutiny by the Venice Commission.

Media freedom and freedom of expression are essential pillars of democracy and European values, and should be placed at the centre of Georgia’s relationship with the EU and international community.

This statement was coordinated by IPI as part of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Allgemein

Italy: MFRR flags ongoing media freedom erosion

Italy: MFRR flags ongoing media freedom erosion

Media freedom in Italy has continued its overall downward trajectory in the past two years, amidst the car bomb attack on one of the country’s most famous journalists, new spyware attacks on reporters, politicisation of the public broadcaster, legal harassment of journalists by governing politicians, and continued concerns over media pluralism, partner organisations of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) said today.

11.03.2026

Italiano

The findings of the MFRR consortium, shared at a press conference in Rome following a follow-up advocacy mission on 9-10 March, conclude that since our organisations’ previous visit to Italy in 2024 the climate for press freedom and independent journalism has faced serious pressures under the coalition government of Prime Minister Georgia Meloni.

 

MFRR organisations stress that key reforms such as the transposition of the EU Anti-SLAPP Directive lack ambition, are limited to a minimal transposition of the Directive, and appear unlikely to be implemented by the May 2026 deadline. Italy also appears to be in active violation of the new European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) regarding the political control over Radiotelevisione Italiana (RAI).

 

Although Italy continues to have strong constitutional protections for the freedom of the press, several negative developments in the last year – combined with the lack of implementation of key reforms – have contributed to a further weakening of the landscape for press and media freedom.

 

RAI and EMFA

Since the EMFA came into full effect in August 2025, the continued government influence over the management, politicised appointments, and the subsequent axing of shows and exodus of journalists from RAI, has been in our view a clear violation Article 5 of EMFA, which obliges Member States to guarantee the independence of public broadcasters.

 

While RAI has long faced politicisation under successive administrations, MFRR partners stress that the scale and intensity of the current government’s overhaul stands out in modern Italian history. This overt effort to shift the editorial line at RAI has utilised the same tactics on show in the EU’s worst media freedom offenders. This political influence over RAI is permitted due to flaws in the legislation, which cements the control of the governing majority over the Board of Directors and other key positions.

 

Coupled with this undue political influence, in the past year RAI has also faced additional budget cuts, undermining the need for stable and sustainable funding outlined under Article 5 of EMFA. Meanwhile, the paralysis of the parliamentary oversight committee of RAI, and its ongoing inability to oversee the public broadcaster’s compliance with independence and pluralism, is weakening democratic scrutiny of the broadcaster and causing additional institutional instability.

 

A bill currently being debated in parliament which would reform the governance system of RAI to remove board appointments by the executive branch and instead switch to a simple parliamentary majority, effectively the governing coalition, is likely to entrench political influence over the RAI board. If passed in its current form, MFRR partners do not believe the bill would align Italy’s public broadcasting system with Article 5 of EMFA.

 

Spyware

In 2025, Italy was the only country in the EU to experience new cases of spyware surveillance of journalists, according to MFRR monitoring, making it a European flashpoint for the abuse of spyware-for-hire technology against the press. So far, no accountability has been secured for these illegal violations of journalistic privacy and source protection. During a meeting with representatives of the Ministry of Justice, no clarity was provided on the ongoing judicial investigations into the known spyware attacks on at least three Italian journalists.

 

Our organisations welcome the recent breakthrough in the prosecutorial investigation which has confirmed that the Graphite spyware sold by Israeli firm Paragon Solutions was illegally used to hack into the mobile device of Fanpage.it director Francesco Cancellato. Traces of the Graphite surveillance tool, known to be used by the intelligence services AISI and AISE, were confirmed on the devices of Cancellato and two activists, with meaningful correspondence of the date and time of the deployment of the intrusive software. The prosecutors stress that questions remain over who is behind this illegal surveillance of the journalist, and that the investigation continues. Two other cases of spyware attacks on Italian journalists in 2025, Ciro Pellegrino and Roberto D’Agostino, remain unresolved.

 

These worrying cases are a reminder of the urgency of the application of the provisions contained in the Article 4 of the European Media Freedom Act, and the necessary harmonisation of the Italian legal framework to the highest standards in terms of protection of journalistic confidentiality and transparency on access of personal data.

 

SLAPPs

In the legal sphere, Italy also remained the country in Europe with the highest number of Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPPs) in 2025, according to the CASE Coalition, which multiple MFRR organisations are part of. Combined with ongoing existence of criminal defamation laws that rank among the strictest in Europe, and a phenomenon in which SLAPPs are too often initiated by high ranking public officials, MFRR partners conclude that journalists in Italy face acute legal risks compared to colleagues in other EU countries.

 

A parliamentary bill has set the framework regarding the transposition of the EU anti-SLAPP Directive. However, the delegation understands that the government will only address cross-border SLAPPs, rather than also domestic SLAPPs, as outlined in the April 2024 Council of Europe Recommendation on countering SLAPPs.

 

The likelihood of the EU’s anti-SLAPP transposition being completed by the deadline in May 2026 appears increasingly remote, leaving journalists exposed to legal threats. Full decriminalisation of defamation in Italy, combined with comprehensive reform of the civil code, including strong anti-SLAPP provisions for both domestic and cross border SLAPPs, remains the only acceptable outcome.

 

Pluralism and safety

During the mission, MFRR partners also discussed the approved sale of the media assets of GEDI. The deal, which will reportedly see La Stampa sold to Gruppo SAE and La Repubblica sold to Greek-owned Antenna, has raised alarm from its staff over potential job losses and potential threats to its editorial independence. To address these concerns, MFRR calls on the Italian media regulator, AGCOM, to request a media merger assessment from the new EMFA-created European Board of Media Services, which should take up the case and assess it through the lens of media pluralism and editorial independence. Given the importance of La Repubblica and La Stampa in the Italian media ecosystem, MFRR partners believe AGCOM has a responsibility to request European scrutiny and ensure the deal will not negatively impact the news outlet’s editorial freedoms.

 

Regarding the safety of journalists, the near-miss car bomb attack on Report presenter Sigfrido Ranucci in October 2025 was a shocking attack on the journalistic profession in Italy which, if successful, would have been the most high-profile killing of a journalist in Europe in decades. The attack serves as a chilling reminder of the threats faced by journalists conducting investigative journalism in Italy. So far, no perpetrators have been identified or prosecuted and impunity for this case continues.

 

Overall, despite almost two years of political pressures on RAI, the Italian government has yet to face any serious pushback from the European Union over what MFRR partners consider a clear violation of the EMFA. While the EU Commission has signaled some concern over media freedom and specifically RAI in the annual Rule of Law Report, there has been no meaningful scrutiny or major EU pushback.

Mission partners thank all stakeholders that met the delegation in Rome and remain open to further exchanges with national stakeholders, particularly from the governing parties, on media freedom in Italy. A full report of the findings of the mission will be published in the coming weeks.

 

The mission to Italy was led by the European Federation of Journalists (EFJ) and was joined by partners of the MFRR consortium: European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF), Free Press Unlimited (FPU), the International Press Institute (IPI), and Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT).

This mission was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Italia: MFRR segnala la continua erosione della libertà di stampa

 

La libertà di stampa in Italia continua la sua traiettoria discendente degli ultimi due anni, fra l’attentato con autobomba ad uno dei giornalisti più famosi del paese, i nuovi attacchi spyware ai giornalisti, la politicizzazione dell’emittente pubblica, le molestie legali ai giornalisti da parte dei politici al governo e le continue preoccupazioni sul pluralismo dei media, hanno affermato le organizzazioni partner del Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) (MFRR).

 

I risultati, condivisi in una conferenza stampa a Roma a seguito di una missione di advocacy di follow-up del 9-10 marzo, mostrano che dalla precedente visita in Italia del 2024, il clima per la libertà di stampa e il giornalismo indipendente ha subito gravi pressioni sotto il governo di coalizione del primo ministro Giorgia Meloni.

 

MFRR sottolinea che riforme chiave come il recepimento della Direttiva UE Anti-SLAPP mancano di ambizione, si limitano ad un recepimento minimo della Direttiva e difficilmente verranno attuate entro la scadenza di maggio 2026. L’Italia sembra inoltre violare attivamente il nuovo European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) per quanto riguarda il controllo politico sulla Radiotelevisione Italiana (RAI).

 

Sebbene l’Italia continui a godere di solide tutele costituzionali per la libertà di stampa, diversi sviluppi negativi nell’ultimo anno, uniti alla mancata attuazione di riforme chiave, hanno contribuito ad un ulteriore indebolimento del panorama della libertà di stampa e dei media.

 

RAI e EMFA

Dall’entrata in vigore dell’EMFA nell’agosto 2025, la continua influenza del governo sulla dirigenza, le nomine politicizzate e la successiva soppressione di programmi e l’esodo di giornalisti dalla RAI hanno rappresentato, a nostro avviso, una chiara violazione dell’articolo 5 dell’EMFA, che obbliga gli Stati membri a garantire l’indipendenza delle emittenti pubbliche.

 

Se la RAI subisce da tempo la politicizzazione attuata dai governi di turno, i partner di MFRR sottolineano che la portata e l’intensità della riforma dell’attuale governo sono di particolare rilievo nella storia italiana moderna. Questo palese tentativo di modificare la linea editoriale della RAI ha utilizzato le stesse tattiche utilizzate nei paesi più in violazione della libertà di stampa nell’UE. Questa influenza politica sulla RAI è resa possibile da carenze legislative che consolidano il controllo della maggioranza di governo sul Consiglio di Amministrazione e su altre posizioni chiave.

 

A questa indebita influenza politica si sono aggiunti, nell’ultimo anno, ulteriori tagli al bilancio della RAI, che compromettono la necessità di finanziamenti stabili e sostenibili, come previsto dall’articolo 5 dell’EMFA. Nel frattempo, la paralisi della commissione parlamentare di controllo della RAI e la sua continua incapacità di vigilare sul rispetto dell’indipendenza e del pluralismo da parte dell’emittente pubblica stanno indebolendo il controllo democratico dell’emittente, causando ulteriore instabilità istituzionale.

 

Un disegno di legge attualmente in discussione in Parlamento, che riformerebbe il sistema di governance della RAI per eliminare le nomine del consiglio di amministrazione da parte dell’esecutivo e passare invece ad una semplice maggioranza parlamentare, di fatto la coalizione di governo, rischia di consolidare l’influenza politica sul consiglio di amministrazione della RAI. Secondo MFRR il disegno di legge, se approvato nella sua forma attuale, non allineerebbe il sistema radiotelevisivo pubblico italiano all’articolo 5 dell’EMFA.

 

Spyware

Nel 2025, l’Italia è stato l’unico paese dell’UE a registrare nuovi casi di sorveglianza tramite spyware ai danni dei giornalisti, secondo il monitoraggio MFRR, diventando un focolaio europeo per l’abuso di tecnologie spyware a pagamento contro la stampa. Finora, non è stata accertata alcuna responsabilità per queste violazioni illegali della privacy giornalistica e della protezione delle fonti. Durante un incontro con i rappresentanti del ministero della Giustizia, non è stata fatta chiarezza sulle indagini giudiziarie in corso sui noti attacchi spyware ad almeno tre giornalisti italiani.

 

Le nostre organizzazioni accolgono con favore la recente svolta nell’indagine della procura che ha confermato che lo spyware Graphite, venduto dall’azienda israeliana Paragon Solutions, è stato utilizzato illegalmente per hackerare il dispositivo mobile del direttore di Fanpage.it Francesco Cancellato. Tracce del software di sorveglianza Graphite, noto per essere utilizzato dai servizi segreti AISI e AISE, sono state confermate sui dispositivi di Cancellato e di due attivisti, con una corrispondenza significativa di data e ora di installazione del software spia. I procuratori sottolineano che restano dubbi su chi sia dietro questa sorveglianza illegale del giornalista e che le indagini proseguono. Altri due casi di attacchi spyware ai danni di giornalisti italiani nel 2025, Ciro Pellegrino e Roberto D’Agostino, rimangono irrisolti.

 

Questi casi preoccupanti ci ricordano l’urgenza di applicare le disposizioni contenute nell’articolo 4 dell’European Media Freedom Act e la necessaria armonizzazione del quadro giuridico italiano ai più elevati standard in termini di tutela del segreto giornalistico e trasparenza sull’accesso ai dati personali.

 

SLAPP

In ambito legale, l’Italia rimane anche il Paese europeo con il più alto numero di cause legali strategiche contro la partecipazione pubblica (SLAPP) nel 2025, secondo la Coalizione CASE, di cui fanno parte diverse organizzazioni MFRR. Considerando anche l’esistenza di leggi penali sulla diffamazione tra le più severe in Europa e il fenomeno per cui le SLAPP sono troppo spesso avviate da alti funzionari pubblici, i partner MFRR concludono che i giornalisti in Italia corrono gravi rischi legali rispetto ai colleghi di altri Paesi dell’UE.

 

Un disegno di legge parlamentare ha definito il quadro normativo per il recepimento della Direttiva UE anti-SLAPP. Tuttavia, la delegazione è consapevole che il governo affronterà solo le SLAPP transfrontaliere, anziché anche quelle nazionali, come delineato nella Raccomandazione del Consiglio d’Europa dell’aprile 2024 sulla lotta alle SLAPP.

 

La probabilità che il recepimento della direttiva anti-SLAPP da parte dell’UE venga completato entro la scadenza di maggio 2026 appare sempre più remota, esponendo i giornalisti a minacce legali. La completa depenalizzazione della diffamazione in Italia, unita ad una riforma completa del codice civile, che includa severe disposizioni anti-SLAPP per le SLAPP sia nazionali che transfrontaliere, rimane l’unica soluzione accettabile.

 

Pluralismo e sicurezza

Durante la missione, i partner MFRR hanno anche discusso della vendita approvata delle attività mediatiche di GEDI. L’accordo, che secondo quanto riferito vedrà La Stampa venduta al Gruppo SAE e La Repubblica venduta alla società greca Antenna, ha suscitato l’allarme del personale per la potenziale perdita di posti di lavoro e le potenziali minacce alla sua indipendenza editoriale. Per affrontare queste preoccupazioni, MFRR chiede all’autorità di regolamentazione dei media italiana, AGCOM, di richiedere una valutazione della fusione mediatica al nuovo Consiglio europeo dei servizi media creato dall’EMFA, che dovrebbe occuparsi del caso e valutarlo attraverso la lente del pluralismo dei media e dell’indipendenza editoriale. Data l’importanza di La Repubblica e La Stampa nell’ecosistema mediatico italiano, MFRR ritiene che AGCOM abbia la responsabilità di richiedere un controllo europeo e garantire che l’accordo non abbia un impatto negativo sulla libertà editoriale dell’agenzia di stampa.

 

Per quanto riguarda la sicurezza dei giornalisti, l’attentato con autobomba contro il presentatore di Report, Sigfrido Ranucci di ottobre 2025 è stato un attacco sconvolgente alla professione giornalistica in Italia che, se avesse avuto successo, sarebbe stato il più eclatante omicidio di un giornalista in Europa degli ultimi decenni. L’attacco è un agghiacciante promemoria delle minacce che i giornalisti investigativi in Italia devono affrontare. Finora, nessun autore è stato identificato o perseguito e questo caso rimane impunito.

 

Nel complesso, nonostante quasi due anni di pressioni politiche sulla RAI, il governo italiano non ha ancora dovuto affrontare alcuna seria reazione da parte dell’Unione Europea su quella che i partner del MFRR considerano una chiara violazione dell’EMFA. Se la Commissione Europea ha espresso una certa preoccupazione per la libertà dei media e in particolare per la RAI nella Relazione annuale sullo Stato di diritto, non vi è stata alcuna analisi o reazione significativa da parte dell’UE.

I partner della missione ringraziano tutti gli stakeholder che hanno incontrato la delegazione a Roma e rimangono aperti a ulteriori scambi con gli stakeholder nazionali, in particolare con i partiti di governo, sulla libertà di stampa in Italia. Un rapporto completo sui risultati della missione sarà pubblicato nelle prossime settimane.

 

La missione in Italia è stata guidata dalla Federazione Europea dei Giornalisti (EFJ) e vi hanno partecipato i partner del consorzio MFRR: Centro Europeo per la Libertà di Stampa e dei Media (ECPMF), Free Press Unlimited (FPU), International Press Institute (IPI) e Osservatorio Balcani e Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT).

This mission was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Systemic Siege of Independent Journalism in Türkiye: Media Freedom…

Systemic Siege of Independent Journalism in Türkiye: Media Freedom Mission Report 2025

A coalition of eight international press freedom organisations, including ECPMF and OBCT as part of MFRR, conducted the seventh joint mission to Türkiye from 24-26 November 2025 in Ankara. The delegation met with stakeholders such as the Constitutional Court, RTÜK representatives, EU delegation, opposition MPs, and journalists’ associations, but government requests went unanswered.

10.03.2026

Türkçe açıklama aşağıdadır

Following the mission a report was published with contributions of the participating organisations, namely International Press Institute (IPI), Amnesty International, ARTICLE 19 Europe, Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF) as part of MFRR, Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT) as part of MFRR, Reporters Without Borders (RSF), South East Europe Media Organisation (SEEMO). The report highlighted the developments that marked 2025, and was summarised as “systemic siege on independent journalism”. Intensified judicial harassment with 100 lawfare cases affecting 248 journalists; heightened violence and impunity during protests following Ekrem İmamoğlu’s arrest in March 2025; digital restrictions via blocks, fines (92 million Turkish Lira fine on Halk TV and Tele1), and algorithmic demotion closing outlets like Gazete Duvar; economic precarity from funding cuts and state seizures of private media outlets; barriers for foreign journalists via visas and accreditation were only some of the outstanding developments in this period.

​

The mission delegation made a series of recommendations following the visits of the coalition, and highlighted them in the report: reform regulatory and administrative institutions that influence the media, prioritise financial sustainability of media as a core pillar of media freedom, strengthen tech and AI governance to support access to independent news and information and media freedom, ensure media reforms are conducted in full consultation with a wide range of stakeholders that include media practitioners and civil society. The mission delegation also reiterates its call to the international and diplomatic communities to prioritise their support for these reforms in Türkiye.

Download the Report

This mission was held with participation of ECPMF and OBCT as part of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

Türkiye’de Bağımsız Gazeteciliğin Sistematik Kuşatması: Medya Özgürlüğü Misyonu Raporu 2025

MFRR’nin bir parçası olan ECPMF ve OBCT dahil olmak üzere sekiz uluslararası medya özgürlüğü örgütünün oluşturduğu heyet, 24-26 Kasım 2025 tarihleri arasında Ankara’da, Türkiye’ye yönelik yedinci ortak heyet ziyaretini gerçekleştirdi. Heyet, Anayasa Mahkemesi, RTÜK temsilcileri, AB Delegasyonu, muhalefet milletvekilleri ve gazetecilik dernekleri gibi paydaşlarla bir araya geldi, ancak iktidar temsilcileriyle görüşmek üzere dile getirilen talepler yanıtsız kaldı.

 

Misyonun ardından, katılımcı kuruluşların katkılarıyla bir rapor yayınlandı. Bu kuruluşlar şunlardı: Uluslararası Basın Enstitüsü (IPI), Uluslararası Af Örgütü, ARTICLE 19 Europe, Gazetecileri Koruma Komitesi (CPJ), Avrupa Basın ve Medya Özgürlüğü Merkezi (ECPMF) MFRR’nin bir parçası olarak, Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT) MFRR’nin bir parçası olarak, Sınır Tanımayan Gazeteciler (RSF), Güneydoğu Avrupa Medya Örgütü (SEEMO).

 

Rapor, 2025 yılında medya alanında iz bırakan gelişmeleri vurguladı ve bu gelişmeler “bağımsız gazeteciliğe yönelik sistematik kuşatma” olarak özetlendi. 248 gazeteciyi etkileyen 100 hukuk davası ile yargı tacizinin yoğunlaşması; Mart 2025’te Ekrem İmamoğlu’nun tutuklanmasının ardından gerçekleşen eylemler sırasında şiddetin ve cezasızlığın artması; erişim engelleri, para cezaları (Halk TV ve Tele1’e 92 milyon Türk Lirası para cezası) ve algoritmik kısıtlamalar yoluyla dijital müdahaleler sonucu Gazete Duvar gibi yayın organlarının kapatılması; fon kesintileri ve devletin TMSF aracılığıyla özel medya kuruluşlarına el koyması nedeniyle ekonomik istikrarsızlık; vize ve akreditasyon yoluyla yabancı gazetecilere getirilen engeller bu dönemde öne çıkan gelişmelerden sadece birkaçıydı.

 

Heyet, ziyaretler sonrası rapor kapsamında bir dizi öneriyi de dile getirdi: medyayı etkileyen düzenleyici ve idari kurumları reform etmek, medya özgürlüğünün temel direği olarak medyanın finansal sürdürülebilirliğine öncelik vermek, bağımsız haber ve bilgiye erişimi ve medya özgürlüğünü desteklemek için teknoloji ve yapay zeka yönetişimini güçlendirmek, medya reformlarının medya çalışanları ve sivil toplum da dahil olmak üzere çok çeşitli paydaşlarla tam istişare içinde yürütülmesini sağlamak. Misyon heyeti ayrıca, uluslararası ve diplomatik topluluklara Türkiye’deki bu reformlara destek vermeyi öncelikli hale getirmeleri çağrısını yineliyor.

Raporu İndirin

Bu heyet ziyareti, AB üye ülkeleri ve aday ülkelerde basın ve medya özgürlüğünün ihlallerini takip eden, izleyen ve bunlara müdahale eden Avrupa çapında bir mekanizma olan Medya Özgürlüğü Acil Müdahale (MFRR) kapsamında ECPMF ve OBCT’nin katılımıyla gerçekleştirildi.

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Gender-based violence, a growing weapon against women journalists

Gender-based violence, a growing weapon against women journalists

To mark International Women’s Day, partners of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) published alarming data highlighting the continued and systematic targeting of women journalists through gender-based violence in Europe.

08.03.2026

Our 2025 monitoring documented 53 cases of gender-based violence targeting women media professionals across EU Member States and candidate countries, including online smear campaigns, threats of sexual violence and derogatory comments about physical appearance. This data, recorded on the MFRR’s Mapping Media Freedom platform, reaffirms that women journalists are disproportionately affected by gender-based violence. Although it is evident that these cases capture only a limited snapshot of reality, they reveal clear and concerning trends for media freedom and the safety of journalists particularly amidst the growth of generative AI tools.

From online abuse to offline harassment

According to our monitoring, gender-based violence against women journalists occurred predominantly online (59%), and more specifically on social media. The majority of these attacks can therefore be categorised as tech-facilitated gender-based violence, where digital platforms, messaging apps or AI tools are used to harass and discredit women journalists. 

 

One example involved  the circulation of AI-generated nude photos of two Italian journalists. In another case, a Spanish journalist working for RTVE was recently cyberharassed after a photo of her was taken out of context and weaponised to undermine her professional credibility. Although such incidents are still emerging in Europe, they demonstrate the extent to which digital tools can be abused to facilitate and amplify already existing gender inequalities as well as physical gender-based violence. 

 

In 2025, MapMF also recorded serious cases of gender-based violence taking place offline. Several attacks were reported during sporting, political events, as well as demonstrations, and even at a journalist’s private residence. A serious example in France was that of Nora Bouazzouni, who specialises in gender. After years of cyberharassment, she received a letter at  her home containing hateful, racist, and misogynistic messages. 

Gender-based violence, a discrediting tool by public officials

Although many of the incidents are perpetrated by private individuals, public officials also play a significant role in spreading misogynistic rhetoric that is used to discredit women journalists and divert public and professional attention away from their work. In Spain, for example, the far-right party Vox launched a coordinated smear campaign against journalist Cristina Fallarás, which seriously exacerbated the ongoing harassment she has faced  for years. 

Online threats and smear campaigns in the Balkans: A worsening climate in Serbia

The situation of women journalists remains particularly tense in the Balkans. In 2025, our 21 cases documented across the region reflect a growing, worrying trend in online threats, smear campaigns, and other forms of harassment. Serbia accounts for the highest number of registered incidents, underscoring the particularly hostile environment facing journalists there. Independent journalists, frequently targeted by the Serbian government and tabloids with criticism, are facing threats and sexual harassment by private individuals. This trend has become even more pronounced since the deadly collapse of the Novi Sad glass roof and the intensified crackdown on media reporting on anti-corruption protests such as N1. 

 

In this contexts, gender-based violence can also extends beyond journalists themselves to their female family members, who are subjected to misogynistic insults and, in some cases, explicit threats of rape.  

Gender-based violence requires swift response

On the occasion of International Women’s Day, the MFRR partners express their unwavering solidarity with all women working in the media sector who face enhanced risk in doing their job due to their gender. 

 

Gender-based attacks, both offline and online, require tailored action from EU Member States, candidate countries and the European Commission. This includes stronger implementation and enforcement of the Digital Services Act and the review of the Recommendation on the Safety of Journalists. 

 

Authorities must recognise that such attacks are not isolated incidents, but part of a broader strategy to silence voices and expressions of structural gender inequalities both offline and online. This is especially concerning when the misogynistic behaviour comes from or is propelled by the state and public officials. When backed or legitimised by a public figure, such attacks undermine journalists’ credibility, foster self-censorship, and create a permissive environment for further gender-based violence. 

 

The undersigned organisations therefore remind public officials that they bear a heightened responsibility and call on them to refrain from all forms of stigmatising, sexist or misogynistic rhetoric. They must also unequivocally and publicly condemn all attacks against women journalists. 

 

Effective reporting mechanisms are a cornerstone of protecting women journalists. We encourage women journalists to report incidents to initiatives such as Mapping Media Freedom, as well as to law enforcement authorities. Systematic documentation is essential to exposing abuse and triggering effective institutional responses. In addition, access to justice and thorough investigation into cases must be strengthened. 

 

Only through accountability and concrete safeguards can women journalists work safely and citizens’ right to information be fully protected.

Signed by:

  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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North Macedonia: Appeal court ruling on Investigative Reporting Lab…

North Macedonia: Appeal court ruling on Investigative Reporting Lab a worrying setback for media freedom

A recent defamation decision by the Court of Appeal in North Macedonia against the Investigative Reporting Lab (IRL) is a worrying development for media freedom in the country which should be overturned on further appeal, the undersigned partner organisations of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) said today.

06.03.2026

At a public hearing before the Court of Appeal in Skopje on 26 February, the court ruled against IRL’s appeal and upheld the defamation verdict previously handed down to the media outlet and its editor-in-chief Saška Cvetkovska. IRL is an independent and non-profit investigative media platform and a local partner of the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP).

 

The civil defamation lawsuit was filed in 2021 by Kočo Angjušev, a powerful businessman and former Deputy Prime Minister in North Macedonia. The litigation stemmed from a documentary produced by IRL as a joint investigation with the OCCRP, which was aired in 2021 on the public broadcaster, Macedonian Radio Television.

 

The lawsuit was initially dismissed in a first-instance verdict in 2021. After an appeal by the plaintiff, the Court of Appeal in May 2022 annulled the verdict and ordered a retrial. In October 2023, although no new evidence was introduced, a judge at the Basic Civil Court ruled against IRL and ordered them to pay symbolic damages and legal costs.

 

After the 2023 ruling, MFRR partners and the Safe Journalist Network (SJN) expressed alarm over the verdict, which controversially ruled that IRL should be classified as “non-media” and that its staff were “members of a group”, rather than professional journalists. The verdict also suggested that the state should open a misdemeanour procedure for the legality of the work of the organisation.

 

In the latest ruling, the court formally upheld the guilty verdict. The exact justification for the decision is not yet known, as the full written judgement will only be provided at a later stage. The decision was swiftly condemned by the Association of Journalists of Macedonia and the Independent Trade Union of Journalists and Media Workers.

 

MFRR partners are dismayed by the new ruling against IRL, which is one of the country’s leading investigative media platforms. The decision will have worrying implications for the future of non-profit journalism in North Macedonia. This lawsuit also bears many hallmarks of a Strategic Lawsuit Against Public Participation (SLAPP) and should be considered an attempt to limit legitimate and public interest reporting.

 

The MFRR therefore supports IRL’s stated intention to appeal the case to the Constitutional Court after the written verdict is received. If domestic legal remedies are exhausted, the case should be submitted to the European Court of Human Rights.

 

Moving forward, our organisations express our hope that this damaging ruling will be overturned. Until then, this case will continue to represent a dark stain on the media freedom record of North Macedonia and a worrying example of a rule of law flaw which undermines freedom of expression and the freedom of the press in the country.

 

To address the threat posed to media by these kinds of SLAPPs in the future, our organisations also urge the Macedonian authorities to pass reforms to the justice system to introduce legal safeguards for media outlets and journalists facing vexatious litigation and to implement and transpose the Council of Europe Recommendation and EU Directive against SLAPPs, as part of its EU accession alignment.

 

Our organisations stand in solidarity with the Investigative Reporting Laboratory, its staff and its journalism, and will continue to closely monitor and advocate on this case at the domestic and EU level.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU) 
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Greece: Executives of spyware firm used to surveil journalist…

Greece: Executives of spyware firm used to surveil journalist Thanasis Koukakis sentenced to prison

The International Press Institute (IPI) welcomes the recent criminal convictions handed down by a Greek court to four individuals from surveillance firm Intellexa whose Predator spyware was used to illegally surveil Greek journalist Thanasis Koukakis.

27.02.2026

The first-instance prison sentences, delivered in an Athens court on 26 February, provide long-sought but partial justice for one of the most prominent cases of spyware surveillance against a journalist in Europe in recent years, and follow a years-long campaign for accountability by IPI and other press freedom groups.

 

According to IPI monitoring, this is also thought to be the first case anywhere in the world of individuals in the commercial spyware sector being criminally charged and convicted of marketing, distributing and using spyware which was used to illegally surveil a member of the press – marking a major step forward for accountability for the abuse of spyware technologies globally.

 

The surveillance of Koukakis was part of a wider wiretapping and spyware scandal in 2022 which became known as the “Greek Watergate”, involving the targeted and coordinated surveillance of more than 80 people, including government ministers and military officials.

 

On Thursday, the court convicted four individuals from Intellexa, the private company at the heart of the scandal, with violating the confidentiality of telephone communications and illegally accessing personal data and conversations using Predator.

 

The businessmen, all founders, executives or shareholders in the companies involved, were each sentenced to 126 years in prison, of which eight years must be served. All defendants plead not guilty. The first-instance verdict will be appealed.

 

IPI Executive Director Scott Griffen said: “This verdict is a major legal victory which provides accountability and justice for the illegal surveillance of a respected journalist and IPI member Thanasis Koukakis. We hope this ruling will be upheld on appeal and IPI will continue to monitor the case closely. This is a win not only for all those who pushed for justice, but also for the Greek investigative media community, who have fearlessly documented the surveillance scandal and its implications in Greece in recent years, facing abusive lawsuits in doing so.

 

Griffen added: “The illegal surveillance of journalists using tools like Predator and Pegasus continues to pose a severe threat to press freedom and journalist safety globally. This ruling boosts efforts to hold those responsible to account, but more needs to be done – IPI continues to work with our members and partners around the world to document spyware attacks on journalists, support legal safeguards, and push for justice for abuses.”

 

Koukakis told IPI: “The decision of the Athens Single-Member Misdemeanor Court to impose exemplary punishment on the producers and distributors of the spyware and to refer the case for further investigation, including possible acts of espionage, marks a return to institutional normalcy. It reaffirms that no one is above scrutiny and that journalistic sources, democratic oversight, and the rule of law are not negotiable. Justice must now be pursued fully and without fear or favour. The rule of law is not anyone’s private domain.”

Surveillance case

In February 2022, it was revealed that Koukakis – a contributor to Greek investigative platform Inside Story as well as international media such as the Financial Times and CNBC – had his mobile phone surveilled for at least ten weeks in 2021 using Intellexa’s technology.

 

Predator is a highly invasive commercial spyware that, among other methods, utilises zero-click infections to target devices, allowing the attacker to gain full access to a target’s phone to extract data, contacts and messages, including those sent through encrypted applications, as well as turn on the microphone and camera. The infection was confirmed after a forensic analysis by digital security research centre Citizen Lab.

 

At the time, the surveillance of Koukakis was the first publicly confirmed case of a journalist in Europe being spied on using Predator. In October 2022, he sued Intellexa in Greece for criminal breach of privacy and communications laws. Though the technology is developed by Cytrox, it was marketed by Intellexa, at the time based in Athens.

 

The spyware scandal revealed multiple additional targets of Predator spyware in Greece, shaking the government and leading to widespread demands for answers.

 

After initial criticism over the slow pace of justice in investigating the case, a dedicated criminal trial concerning Intellexa began in March 2025 before the Single-Member Misdemeanor Court of First Instance in Athens. The trial was adjourned and resumed in the autumn. The almost four-month-long proceedings heard testimony from more than 50 witnesses, including Koukakis, who provided detailed testimony to the court.

Questions remain over wider state involvement

Despite the verdict against individuals connected to Intellexa, serious questions remain over the potential involvement of state intelligence bodies in the spyware surveillance of Koukakis and many other targets in Greece.

 

At the same time as the spyware surveillance, Koukakis had also been put under traditional wiretapping by the Greek intelligence body, the EYP. This surveillance of his phone was conducted in June–August 2020 under a “national security” justification and was approved by an EYP prosecutor.

 

At that time, Koukakis had been investigating alleged financial misconduct related to Piraeus Bank and figures later linked to the Predator supply chain.

 

When Koukakis then filed a complaint with the Greek communications authority ADAE to identify whether he had been wiretapped through his telecom provider, the EYP immediately terminated the surveillance the same day. This action by the EYP raised concerns that the wiretap was halted to avoid disclosure and wider institutional scrutiny.

 

Crucially, evidence shows that as soon as the official state surveillance of Koukakis was ended by the EYP, the illegal use of Predator spyware surveillance against Koukakis began. This surveillance continued for around two months.

 

The Greek government has publicly admitted that the EYP, which was previously put under the supervision of the Office of the Prime Minister, conducted legal, conventional surveillance of the journalist. However, it has repeatedly denied that the state purchased or used Predator or that it has any relationship with Intellexa.

 

One third of all individuals infected with Predator in Greece were, at the same time, also under traditional wiretapping surveillance by the EYP, pointing to a pattern of overlap and potential coordination of surveillance between state and non-state actors.

 

Although a substantial body of circumstantial evidence indicates the coordination or at least parallel use of traditional state wiretapping by the EYP and Predator spyware used by Intellexa, direct proof that EYP operated or requested the use of Predator has not been established.

 

In the recent court verdict against Intellexa the judge stated that the four defendants appeared to have acted with the participation of “unknown third parties”. The judge indicated this could have been officials from Greek and foreign intelligence services.

 

The judge also ordered that trial reports containing crucial information about this element of the trial could be sent to the Athens Prosecutor’s Office for assessment. This could open the door to espionage investigation involving state bodies in the future.

 

While four individuals from the private company Intellexa have now been criminally convicted, currently no government politicians or officials from the EYP or wider state intelligence or law enforcement bodies in Greece has been investigated or charged with involvement in the use of spyware, which was illegal at the time.

 

After the scandal emerged, in 2022 the Greek government responded by criminalising the use of commercial spyware in Greece. Before the revelations, no law had explicitly banned the use of such tools by private actors. However, the same law also effectively legalised the use of spyware surveillance by state bodies, under strict conditions.

Advocating for accountability

Throughout this process, IPI consistently documented and highlighted the surveillance of journalists in Greece. In cooperation with media freedom partners, IPI wrote to the Greek government to demand accountability and answers and engaged with the European Parliament’s PEGA Committee investigating spyware abuse within the EU.

 

During a 2022 press freedom mission to Greece by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), IPI questioned a government minister over the surveillance, who was unable to provide additional information. During the mission, the delegation also met with other authorities and institutions in Greece connected to the spyware scandal, as well as with journalists affected by surveillance, including Koukakis.

 

In 2023, IPI published an in-depth report into the targeting of journalists in Greece using Predator, which probed the potential involvement of state authorities.

 

IPI will continue to closely monitor the legal proceedings on appeal and push for accountability for the illegal surveillance of journalists in Greece, as well as strong implementation of the new European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) rules on spyware use.

 

Despite sanctions, Intellexa remains one of the world’s leading providers of advanced commercial spyware. It now operates outside Greece and continues to market and sell its surveillance tools to governments around the world.

This statement was coordinated by IPI as part of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.