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Serbia: Solidarity with Slavko Ćuruvija Foundation following another setback…

Serbia: Solidarity with Slavko Ćuruvija Foundation following another setback in its quest for justice

The undersigned media freedom and journalist organisations stand in full solidarity with the Slavko Ćuruvija Foundation, which has been ordered to pay over one million dinars (€8,812)  in damages in a defamation case brought by those acquitted of the murder of the Serbian editor and newspaper founder, Slavko Ćuruvija. For 27 years, the Slavko Ćuruvija Foundation has fought for justice for the assassination of Ćuruvija, who was gunned down outside his apartment in Belgrade in 1999. 

19.05.2026

On 15 May 2026, the Second Basic Court in Belgrade ruled that the Slavko Ćuruvija Foundation had defamed Milan Radonjić, Ratko Romić and Miroslav Kurak. The three men were previously convicted of Ćuruvija’s murder before the landmark ruling was controversially overturned in February 2024, leaving the murder case in a state of total impunity.

  

Following the ruling, the Foundation published a statement entitled “A Country That Does Not Punish Murderers Has No Future”, criticising the acquittal and renewing the call for justice. The former defendants sued the Foundation for allegedly violating their honour and reputation, and causing them non-material damage in the form of emotional distress.   

 

The Court of Appeal judgment in Ćuruvija’s case, criticised by the Foundation, was ultimately determined by the Supreme Court as containing substantial violations of the criminal procedure of Serbia. 

 

In its ruling, the Second Basic Court in Belgrade ruled against the Foundation and ordered them to pay a total of 1,035,000 dinars (€8,812) in damages. This included  €1,700  to each plaintiff in compensation, and €979,2 in additional legal costs, according to reports. The Slavko Ćuruvija Foundation announced they will appeal the first instance’s ruling.

 

The undersigned organisations raise concern that this amount is  disproportionately higher than damages in similar defamation cases. We are concerned that the scale of damages will dissuade others from investigating or publicly addressing Ćuruvija’s murder and the family’s fight against impunity.

 

This judgement not only highlights the failure of the judicial system to bring those responsible for the murder of Slavko Ćuruvija to justice, but disproportionately weakens the Foundation’s efforts to combat impunity in cases of journalist killings in Serbia and to preserve Ćuruvija’s legacy.

 

During a recent mission to Serbia on 26–27 March, partners of the Council of Europe’s Platform for the Safety of Journalists and the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) met with the Slavko Ćuruvija Foundation and Ćuruvija’s daughter, who told the delegation about the double injustice of being denied justice for 27 years and now being on the defendant’s bench themselves. 

 

To conclude the mission, a symbolic press conference was held at the site of Ćuruvija’s murder, during which the delegation urged Serbian officials to put an end to the spiral of violence, before attacks on journalists lead to another tragedy. In the coming weeks, a mission report will be published, including a set of recommendations for both the Serbian authorities and the international community.

 

Ranked 104th out of 180 countries in the 2026 RSF World Press Freedom Index, media freedom in Serbia has reached a new historical low. From January to 19 May 2026, 91 attacks on journalists have already been documented on the Mapping Media Freedom platform, representing nearly half of all attacks recorded for 2025. These numbers confirm the continuing decline of journalists’ safety in Serbia, given the record surge of cases of attacks against journalists recorded last year by the platform. Amidst severe democratic backsliding, a letter signed by ten organisations was sent last week to a group of European Affairs ministers in support of the call to suspend EU funds to Serbia, as suggested by EU Enlargement Commissioner Marta Kos.

 

At this critical time, when journalists are facing unprecedented pressure, the authorities, including the judiciary, must urgently protect them from intimidation by ensuring that justice is served and that their right to press freedom and freedom of expression is preserved. 

 

The undersigned organisations express their full solidarity with the Slavko Ćuruvija Foundation and with the journalist’s family.  

Signed by:

  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • International Federation of Journalists (IFJ)
  • Index on Censorship
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
  • PEN International

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

pexels-efrem-efre-2786187-32625778 Greece Parliament Athens Library

Greece: Abusive lawsuit against independent newsrooms should be dismissed

Greece: Abusive lawsuit against independent newsrooms should be dismissed

Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) partners condemn the filing of abusive legal action by Air Mediterranean against the Greek investigative newsroom Mediterranean Institute for Investigative Reporting (MIIR), the newspaper Efimerida ton Syntakton (EfSyn) as well as their editors and directors.

13.05.2026

Our organisations, which have long documented legal threats against media in Europe, today urge the Court of First Instance of Athens to treat the lawsuit by Air Mediterranean as an abusive lawsuit and to uphold European press freedom standards when assessing the case during the upcoming hearing on 21 May 2026.

MFRR partners regret that although the Greek government has indicated some level of preparation for the transposition of the EU Anti-SLAPP Directive, no concrete legislative amendments were adopted before the 7 May deadline.

Now that the deadline has passed, we urge the Greek authorities to take decisive action to ensure the EU Directive’s swift and effective implementation into national law. Reform of the civil code should also strengthen safeguards against domestic Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPPs) which aim to silence quality public-interest journalism.

The lawsuit stems from a cross-border investigation by MIIR and its partners entitled “The Mediterranean Wings of the Underworld”, published in August 2025. Air Mediterranean, an Athens-based international airline company, initiated legal proceedings seven months later, targeting MIIR, EfSyn and the journalists who worked on the report. MIIR is a non-profit organisation with a reputation for hard hitting investigative data journalism and EfSyn is one of the major independent dailies in Greece.

The legal action followed an earlier complaint submitted by the airline’s legal representatives in August 2025, in which it rejected the reporting as “false and defamatory” and denied any links to criminal activity. In response, MIIR and EfSyn stated that the company had been given multiple opportunities to respond prior to publication in line with the applicable journalistic ethical standards and emphasised that the investigation adhered to journalistic standards and addressed issues of clear public interest.

The cross-border investigation was supported by Journalismfund Europe and published jointly by MIIR and Siraj (Syria), Daraj (Lebanon), VoxEurop (France and Belgium), and L’Espresso (Italy). It examined alleged links between the private Greek airline Air Mediterranean and individuals involved in arms, drug and migrant trafficking. It also raised serious questions about the oversight abilities of Greek, Italian and EU authorities.

Air Mediterranean targeted only the two Greek media outlets involved in the cross-border collaborations, while all four other media partners were excluded from litigation.

MFRR observes that Air Mediterranean’s lawsuit bears several hallmarks of a SLAPP: the amount of damages requested is excessive (EUR 100,000 jointly); there is an imbalance of power between the defendants and the claimant, given the company’s financial resources; and the lawsuit also appears to be aimed at suppressing public interest information.

Our organisations stand in solidarity with the teams at MIIR and EfSyn and remain committed to supporting them as the case progresses. We also express our solidarity with journalists in Greece who are repeatedly subjected to vexatious lawsuits intended to intimidate, create a chilling effect, and deter reporting on matters of clear public interest.

For years, Greece has been considered a high-risk country in Europe for SLAPPs. While some high-profile lawsuits against journalists in recent years have been dismissed, others continue to be fought, as in the case of Alterthess.

Overall, this lawsuit demonstrates the urgent need for robust anti-SLAPP legislation in Greece, which covers both cross-border cases, as foreseen within the EU’s Anti-SLAPP Directive, but also wider protections against domestic SLAPP cases, as outlined in the Council of Europe’s 2024 Recommendation on SLAPPs.

Our organisations hope to see this lawsuit against MIIR, EfSyn and the journalists thrown out. We will continue to monitor this case and respond to further developments.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • European Center for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Serbia: 10 organisations ask Ministers for European Affairs to…

Serbia: 10 organisations ask Ministers for European Affairs to draw a red line on media freedom

EU Member States must show political leadership and join calls for the suspension of EU funds to Serbia to prevent the spiral of violence against journalists from escalating into deadly attacks, 10 media and press freedom organisations said on Friday in a series of letters sent to a group of Ministers for European Affairs across Europe. 

11 May 2026

The organisations highlight the shocking numbers of physical, legal and online attacks against journalists as recorded on international monitoring platforms since November 2024, a level of persistent violence against media that is rare in any EU member state or candidate country. Since the outbreak of nation-wide protests in November 2024 and the heavy-handed state response, our organisations conducted multiple missions to Belgrade, observing that the situation continues to worsen rapidly. 

 

The organisations furthermore warn that the Serbian government and high-level politicians have been, and continue to be, a driving factor behind this significant surge in attacks, and the wider media freedom decline. They point at the enabling environment created by the public vilification of journalists by high level public figures from the ruling party,  Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić, violence against journalists by police officers, and almost complete lack of intervention and prosecution during and following attacks on journalists. While authorities confirm that physical attacks against journalists increased by 367% in 2025, only three convictions were secured during that period.

 

The labeling of journalists with dehumanising and inflammatory terms such as “insects”, “non-humans,” “terrorists,” and “traitors” by political actors has translated into the incitement of hatred in society against individual journalists. A smear campaign in March 2026, broadcast on national TV, targeted over 45 journalists as “enemies of the state”, baselessly accusing them of betraying their country and explicitly referencing previous murders of journalists in Serbia. Combined with the rising physical attacks, the lack of protection, and the unwillingness of the state to hold perpetrators to account, the organizations note that they observe all of the ingredients known to further drive violence against the media and warn that this may soon lead to grave or even deadly attacks against members of the press if urgent and concrete action is not taken. 

 

The letter calls upon Ministers of European Affairs, who came together for an informal gathering in Brussels this weekend, to support the call for the suspension of EU funds to Serbia as suggested by EU Commissioner Kos, who proposes to withhold EU funds in response to the sustained democratic backsliding and the government’s close ties with Russia. The Ministers were asked to swiftly and publicly demand the Serbian authorities to take action against the dangerous climate of violence and repression towards journalists. 

 

The letters also called on EU Member States to demand Serbian authorities to take action against the dangerous climate of violence and repression towards journalists. This includes: immediately halting open attacks against journalists and smear campaigns; effectively addressing impunity for all crimes against journalists; reforming law enforcement, including improving journalist protection at protests and ending arbitrary surveillance; and putting in place meaningful and effective institutional and legal measures to guarantee better protection for journalists, including addressing Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation.

Signed by:

  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • Association of European Journalists (AEJ)
  • Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Index on Censorship
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • Osservatorio Balcani e Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • Reporters Without Borders (RSF)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Albania: Fresh concerns over journalist’s safety following suspected arson…

Albania: Fresh concerns over journalist’s safety following suspected arson attack

The International Press Institute (IPI) condemns the suspected arson attack which destroyed the car of journalist Sami Curri and calls on Albanian authorities to carry out a thorough investigation to establish the motive and bring those responsible to justice.

07.05.2026

The blaze, which is currently being treated by police as a suspected arson attack, has raised fresh concerns about the climate for the safety of journalists carrying out investigative journalism in Albania.

 

On the night of April 26, the journalist’s car was set on fire and destroyed while parked 30 meters away from his residence in Bulqizë, northeastern Albania. Curri is the owner of Bulqizaime.al, a local investigative media outlet in the Dibër region that reports on public interest topics including abuse of public funds, protests and environmental affairs.

 

The fire was discovered by nearby residents shortly before 3am and the police and fire brigade arrived soon after. Preliminary investigations found no injuries or damage to nearby property and only Curri’s car was destroyed, indicating a targeted attack.

 

While the full circumstances of the incident remain unclear, Curri told IPI that he considered the attack “a clear message intended to influence and intimidate” his work. He added: “This was not a random attack, but something that appears to have been ordered and executed deliberately”.

 

The journalist said this was the first time he experienced such an attack. While he did not receive any direct threats in the lead up to the attack, Curri told IPI he had faced indirect pressures and warnings tied to his recent investigative work that suggested he should refrain from pursuing certain topics.

 

Albanian law enforcement authorities are currently investigating the incident under the direction of the prosecution and the fire is being treated as an act of intentional arson. As of now, Curri said he had not received any updates regarding concrete results or identified suspects. The journalist is not currently under any formal police protection and has not requested it.

 

IPI urges Albanian law enforcement to ensure a thorough investigation is conducted that leads to the identification and prosecution of those responsible for what appears to be a targeted act of intimidation against a journalist over their media outlet’s reporting.

 

IPI also calls on political authorities in Albania, both at the local and national level, to strongly condemn the apparent threat and make clear that any attack on independent journalism will not go unpunished.

 

Curri told IPI that this attack will not impact his work moving forward. “I consider journalism, especially at the local level and under such conditions, not just a profession but a mission. Despite the many known difficulties, particularly in local environments, it remains a commitment to serve the public interest.”

 

The case has been recorded on the Mapping Media Freedom platform, which is run by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR). IPI will continue to monitor the case.

This statement was coordinated by IPI as part of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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As deadline passes, MFRR renews call for urgent transposition…

As deadline passes, MFRR renews call for urgent transposition of EU Anti SLAPP Directive

Today, 7 May 2026, marks the deadline for EU Member States to transpose the EU Anti-SLAPP Directive, also known as Daphne’s law. As we mark this landmark, however, the European Anti-SLAPP Monitor shows a fragmented and uneven picture for transposition across Europe, as the deadline is being missed by nearly all Member States.

07.05.2026

While the Anti-SLAPP Directive marked a significant step forward in protecting journalists and media from abusive litigation, its implementation at the national level remains alarmingly incomplete. Although there are some positive examples, the majority of states are seriously lagging behind and others have made no progress at all.

 

Today, Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) partners issue an urgent call to Member States to demonstrate their commitment to media freedom by accelerating their legislative processes and ensuring that national measures fully reflect both the letter and the spirit of the Directive  as well as substantive and procedural safeguards set out in in EU and Council of Europe Recommendations. Partial, delayed, or weak implementation will fail to provide effective protection and may allow abusive practices against the press to persist.

 

Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPPs) are abusive legal actions used by powerful individuals or entities to silence journalists and media organisations by burdening them with costly and time-consuming litigation. By creating a chilling effect and imposing significant financial pressure, such lawsuits directly threaten the media’s ability to cover public interest matters such as corruption, environmental harm, and human rights abuses.

 

The case of Maltese investigative journalist Daphne Caruana Galicia is one of the clearest cases demonstrating how harmful these actions can be. The investigative journalist faced 48 libel suits at the time of her assassination in 2017, many from powerful figures she investigated. She was killed in reprisal for her work, while her case became a catalyst for anti-SLAPP efforts in Europe and the establishment of the Coalition Against SLAPPs in Europe (CASE).

 

The EU Anti-SLAPP Directive was adopted in April 2024 to protect journalists, the media, and civil society from such lawsuits, ensuring they can continue their watchdog role without fear of legal intimidation. The willingness of the countries, however, to meaningfully transpose this Directive has proven to be limited. In many Member States, authorities refuse to acknowledge the problem of SLAPPs at the national level. Only a handful of countries have begun to implement it, as the European Anti-SLAPP Monitor shows. 

 

France and Malta stand out as few countries classified as “Partially Implemented.” However, these processes have not been ideal, as Malta’s government’s ‘summary transposition’ through a Legal Notice rather than parliamentary process, was widely criticised by Maltese stakeholders as a ‘missed opportunity’ for a meaningful transposition that does justice to the situation of SLAPP targets in Malta. 

 

A majority of Member States including Belgium, Germany, and Netherlands, have formally “Started” the transposition process. Legislative proposals have been drafted, and in some cases advanced through parliamentary stages. However, in most of these countries, concerns exist about the minimum level of transposition envisioned in the draft laws. Only a few countries have expanded the protection of SLAPP-targets in cases without a cross-border element. This is problematic, as only 8.5% of the European SLAPP cases currently are cross-border. As a result, most individuals targeted by SLAPPs continue to face legal uncertainty and insufficient safeguards. 

 

Among these, the Belgian draft law stands out as one of the more progressive transpositions of the Directive. Its legislative approach goes beyond minimum EU requirements by extending protections to domestic cases and introducing key procedural safeguards, such as early dismissal mechanisms and sanctions against abusive claimants. Yet, important gaps remain, particularly regarding SLAPPs in criminal proceedings, which may still allow certain forms of legal harassment to continue. The expansion of SLAPPs into criminal law is a concern in several other Member States where defamation has not been decriminalised, fearing that the anti-SLAPP safeguards in civil cases will lead litigants to pursue criminal cases instead.

 

At the same time, several countries, including Italy and Hungary have not yet begun transposition. This raises concerns about significant delays and uneven protection for individuals targeted by abusive litigation across Europe. 

 

In some cases, such as Portugal, limited publicly available information makes it difficult to assess the state of implementation, raising additional concerns about transparency and accountability.

 

Overall, the findings highlight a clear gap between political commitment and practical implementation. While progress is underway in many Member States, the level of protection against SLAPPs remains inconsistent across Europe as the deadline passes, with potential sweeping effects on journalists and their work of public interest.

 

As we mark the deadline today, the MFRR calls for effective and urgent transposition of the Directive into the national law, with robust safeguards for media freedom. We encourage member states to implement a broad set of measures that go beyond the limits set in the transposition and include domestic cases within the definition of SLAPPs. 

 

We also want to reiterate the importance of transposing the Directive alongside the requirements of the EU Anti-SLAPP Recommendation that has concurrently been adopted, as well as Council of Europe’s Recommendation countering use of SLAPPs  which offers broader protections for journalists, media and civil society. Finally, we call on candidate countries to meaningfully engage in this process and start the application of the Directive as a part of their EU path.

 

MFRR urges Member States and candidate countries to establish, in consultation with civil society organisations, mechanisms to track SLAPP cases and evaluate the Directive’s effectiveness, as well as support mechanisms to ensure targets of SLAPPs can obtain the legal and financial support they require. Media organisations, civil society, and policymakers must work together to resist SLAPPs and defend public interest journalism. 

 

Moving forward, the European Commission should closely monitor progress and be prepared to take swift infringement action where Member States fall short. The Directive must provide broad protections across the bloc, rather than result in a fragmented landscape where safeguards depend on national borders. This should be done promoting a meaningful engagement with the media and civil society.

 

The transposition of the Anti-SLAPP Directive is a critical step in safeguarding media freedom and the right to public participation, and the states must ensure timely, effective transposition that will serve media and civil society both nationally and across the EU. 

Signed by:

  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF) 
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Georgia: An escalating media freedom crisis

Georgia: An escalating media freedom crisis

Since the contested parliamentary elections in October 2024, Georgia has experienced one of the most rapid and serious deteriorations of press freedom ever seen in an EU member state or candidate country, Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) partners warn today.

 

As we mark World Press Freedom Day 2026, our organisations once again draw attention to the plight of independent media and journalists in Georgia, where the Russia-friendly ruling party has continued its intensifying clampdown over the past year. Our thoughts today are particularly with jailed journalist Mzia Amaglobeli, who has now been behind bars for one year and three months on politically motivated charges.

6 May 2026

The Georgian Dream’s erosion of media freedom has been a driving factor in the unprecedented period of democratic backsliding in the country, which on paper remains a candidate for EU accession. Today, our organisations again call for urgent action from the European Union and the international community to support independent media and hold those responsible for this autocratic assault to be held accountable.

Legal and economic harassment of journalists

Since Georgia received EU candidate status in early December 2023, the Mapping Media Freedom Platform, the largest database for media freedom attacks in Europe, has documented 319 media freedom violations, affecting 555 journalists and media organisations, making Georgia one of the countries with the most rapid decline in media freedom in Europe.

 

In recent months, pressure on independent journalists intensified further, especially for the journalists reporting from rallies. In April, the bank accounts of two journalists including Maka Chikhladze (TV Pirveli) and Liza Tsitsishvili (Formula TV), both from government-critical outlets, were frozen. The freezes were tied to fines the journalists say they were never notified about, issued while they were reporting from rallies in the course of their work.

 

In 2025 alone, the MFRR documented 36 cases of journalists facing arbitrary fines, including 25 linked to covering demonstrations. In all 25 cases, journalists reported being fined despite clearly identifying themselves as members of the press while carrying out their work.

 

Since the ruling Georgian Dream party adopted restrictive amendments undermining freedom of expression in October 2025, police have detained dozens of protesters in Tbilisi, including journalists. Under the new legislation, vaguely defined offences such as “artificially blocking a road” or “wearing a mask at a rally” are punishable by up to 15 days of administrative detention, with repeat offences carrying sentences of up to one year in prison.

 

Following these changes, several journalists from independent media have faced imprisonment of up to 15 days for their reporting on rallies, including Mariam Dzidzaria from Netgazeti, Mariam Kuprava of Tabula, and Ninia Kakabadze from Mediachecker.ge.

 

Although the complaints against Kuprava and Kakabadze were eventually dropped, proceedings against Dzidzaria remain ongoing, while Kakabadze was required to attend four hearings before the charges were dropped.

Repressive legislation

Since April 2024, the ruling Georgian Dream party has introduced and adopted laws aimed at restricting independent media. Among EU member states and candidate countries, Georgia represents the most far-reaching example of a government abusing repressive legislation, including foreign agent laws, to muzzle free media. 

 

Despite international outcry, the ruling party has not withdrawn any of the repressive measures adopted in 2024 and 2025, including the initial draft of the foreign agent law, the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA), amendments to the laws on Grants and Broadcasting and amendments to the Law on Freedom of Speech and Expression.

 

Instead, in 2026 Parliament has adopted a sweeping new legislative package introducing criminal sanctions for cooperation with international entities or donors. Furthermore, it included an “extremism” provision, punishing acts that “systematically” question the government’s legitimacy with up to three years’ imprisonment for individuals. These legal changes further constrain independent media, as any public activity or campaign of social and political relevance can be assessed as conduct aimed at influencing the government’s domestic or foreign policy and may be treated as a criminal offence.

Safety of journalists and ongoing impunity 

Since 2024, the country’s media landscape has grown increasingly hostile and perilous, with journalists exposed to attacks on their physical safety and legal or institutional harassment. With political institutions including the judiciary effectively captured and run by a so-called ‘clan’ connected with the ruling party, impunity for crimes against journalists remains widespread. 

 

Journalists have been subjected to arbitrary detentions and physical assaults. Since 2024, Mapping Media Freedom has documented 63 cases of physical attacks involving 148 journalists. In 60% of these cases, police and state security forces were the perpetrators as the vast majority of cases remain uninvestigated.

 

In the recent months, journalists including independent media organisation Mtis Ambebi’s journalists and independent journalist David Tchabashvili have received death threats by private individuals.

 

Georgia must end the cycle of impunity by conducting thorough investigations into all cases of attacks against journalists by police, state security forces as well as private individuals. 

 

Continued imprisonment of Mzia Amaglobeli

The continued imprisonment of Mzia Amaglobeli, co-founder of Batumelebi and Netgazeti, and the Sakharov Prize Laureate remains deeply alarming. Arrested in January 2025 after an altercation with a police officer during a protest, she was sentenced in August to two years in prison.

 

Amaglobeli’s parole request was denied on 2 April on the grounds that she “does not repent,” after on 3 March the Supreme Court refused to hear her appeal, exhausting all domestic remedies. Since her arrest, she and her outlets have faced sustained smear campaigns, defamation, degrading treatment, and economic pressure.

 

Amaglobeli has now spent over a year and three months in prison on politically motivated charges. Her case became a symbol of the fight of independent media against the backdrop of the broader assault on media freedom in Georgia.

Call for urgent action 

Deliberate efforts by the ruling Georgian Dream party to erode the freedom of the media and weaken independent and watchdog journalism are central to wider efforts to limit checks and balances on power, stifle dissent and solidify the government’s position. Our organisations and partners have repeatedly called on the international community to respond, support independent media and civil society, and stem the country’s rapid descent into authoritarianism.

 

Despite repeated calls for sanctions from the European Parliament, the EU has not succeeded in taking steps to reverse Georgia’s growing authoritarianism, including imposing robust sanctions. With the change of government in Hungary, which repeatedly blocked EU sanctions against Georgia under the Fidesz rule, the EU now has an opportunity to move forward with targeted sanctions.

 

As we mark World Press Freedom Day, our organisations call on Europe not to lose sight of the crackdown on media freedom in Georgia. We also renew our call on the EU to take urgent, coordinated and effective action including sanctioning the leaders of institutions who are responsible for this open crackdown on the country’s free press.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI) 
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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World Press Freedom Day: Six years of monitoring reveals…

World Press Freedom Day: Six years of monitoring reveals emerging threats against media freedom in Europe 

To mark World Press Freedom Day, the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) is today publishing an analysis of six years of monitoring data which reveals in granular detail the most serious challenges and trends threatening freedom of the press in Europe.

5 May 2026

The MFRR consortium first began comprehensive monitoring in 2020 and has become the largest public database of media freedom violations in Europe. Our Mapping Media Freedom (MapMF) platform has now recorded 6092 media freedom violations in Europe affecting more than 10,200 different journalists and media-related entities in EU Member States and nine EU candidate countries.

 

This monitoring offers a detailed picture of the different threats to journalists and media, where these attacks are occurring, and what new trends have emerged over the past few years that the EU and national governments need to respond to.

Download the fact sheet

Monitoring by MFRR partners includes cases of physical and verbal attacks, attacks against journalistic property and equipment, legal threats and lawsuits, and different forms of interference with journalistic work. This data has informed and shaped the MFRR’s advocacy, reports and missions, and led to MFRR legal and practical support.

 

During this six year period, media freedom in Europe has faced serious and sustained challenges from the Covid-19 pandemic, Russia’s full scale war in Ukraine, the continued rise of the far-right, the erosion of democratic norms worldwide and technological disruption from the emerging AI revolution.

 

In the past six years, 27 journalists, media workers, media owners or staff guarding media offices have been killed in line of duty or because of their work in European countries monitored by the MFRR. The majority of these deaths (59%) have occurred in Ukraine, with the Russian military as the major perpetrator. Impunity for crimes against journalists remains a central concern for press freedom in Europe.

 

Almost a fifth of all incidents (1180 cases) recorded by the MFRR were physical attacks (19%). This included 430 serious physical attacks on journalists which resulted in injuries or required medical attention. Most physical attacks were perpetrated by private individuals (59%), while police accounted for 23%. MapMF also documented more than 2000 verbal attacks, including death threats, intimidation, sexual harassment and smear campaigns.

 

One alarming trend revealed by the data is that the share of media freedom violations per year in which political actors were responsible has increased from 14% in 2020 to 20% in 2025. More than half of these cases (54%) were verbal in nature, indicating a growing use of hostile rhetoric against the press.

An increasing share of media freedom threats in the past six years have come in the digital sphere. One key trend documented during this period has been the emergence of spyware surveillance of journalists, where MapMF has documented 22 alerts affecting 48 journalists and other media actors.

 

Analysis also shows that women journalists are increasingly affected by digital attacks, with artificial intelligence posing an emerging threat to journalists online. The frequency of such alerts has increased significantly in the past two years. Spoofing including fake websites and AI generated deep fakes was an emerging and increasing trend journalists and media faced, with a total of 109 cases. 

 

Moreover, 1062 violations, affecting 1820 journalists and other media professionals during protests and demonstrations across EU member states and candidate countries show that demonstrations and protests have been the second most dangerous context for journalists and other media professionals in the past period. This underscores the importance of protection mechanisms for journalists and media workers covering these events.

 

Six years of data also points to sustained challenges in the legal climate for media freedom, where the platform recorded 414 cases of journalists or media workers being arrested, detained or imprisoned. MapMF also recorded 145 criminal charges against the media and nearly 200 civil lawsuits. The project also documented 142 problematic legislative initiatives, including drafts proposals and laws, targeting press freedom in 30 different European countries.

 

During this period, the MFRR has also tracked the emergence of foreign agent laws in Europe, as well the spread of toxic narratives around foreign funding, especially since 2024. In total, MapMF documented 181 alerts related to foreign agent laws or narratives, affecting 313 journalists or media entities.

 

As we mark World Press Freedom Day 2026, the MFRR encourages journalists, media researches, policymakers and international organisations to utilise the data. MFRR partners hope this data offers strong, data-based insights into the levels of pressures journalists and media professionals are facing across Europe today to inform policy and decision-making. 

 

MapMF is part of the MFRR and is coordinated by the European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF), the European Federation of Journalists (EFJ) and the International Press Institute (IPI). Click here to explore the data in full. 

 

The Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) is a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries. It is co-funded by the European Commission.

Event

World Press Freedom Day 2026: Serbia’s spiral of violence

World Press Freedom Day 2026: Serbia’s spiral of violence

4 May, 13:00 CET

To mark the World Press Freedom Day 2026, our webinar will examine the role the European Union can play in responding to Serbia’s deepening media freedom crisis, which has evolved into a self-reinforcing cycle of violence, intimidation, and impunity. Drawing on findings from the March 2026 mission, it will underscore that the situation is no longer episodic but structural, driven by sustained political rhetoric, institutional shortcomings, and the rise of coordinated digital threats.

 

By situating these developments within a broader European context, the discussion will look at how existing mechanisms have fallen short and where more decisive action may be required. The session is intended to move beyond documentation toward pressure, pinpointing systemic failures and identifying concrete leverage points through which international actors, particularly the EU, can contribute to meaningful change.

Register here

Moderator

Roberta Taveri

Senior Media Freedom Programme Officer for Europe, ARTICLE 19 Europe

Speakers

Tamara Filipović

Secretary General, Independent Journalists’ Association of Serbia (IJAS)

Božidar Milovac

Investigative reporter, KRIK

Stefan Goranović

TV Journalist

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Turkey: International organisations condemn escalating use of “disinformation law”…

Turkey: International organisations condemn escalating use of “disinformation law” against journalists and call for its repeal

The undersigned press freedom, freedom of expression, journalists’ and human rights organisations strongly condemn the intensifying use of Article 217/A of the Turkish Penal Code — widely known as the “disinformation law” — to arrest, detain, and prosecute journalists, and call on the government to repeal the provision immediately and release all journalists imprisoned under it.

28.04.2026

Since the law entered into force in October 2022, at least 83 journalists have been charged 114 times over disinformation according to news reports. The scale of Article 217/A’s use against journalists has been starkly illustrated in a recent article. The two journalists most frequently charged under the law are BirGün’s İsmail Arı, who faced the charge six times, and DW Turkish’s Alican Uludağ, who faced it four times. Both journalists are currently imprisoned.

 

In recent months, authorities have escalated and accelerated use of the law to arrest and sentence journalists under the disinformation law’s vague prohibitions, as part of a wider pattern of the weaponisation of legislation to criminalise legitimate journalism and silence reporting in Turkey.

 

On February 19, judicial reporter and DW Turkish correspondent Alican Uludağ was taken into custody in Ankara and transferred to Istanbul on charges of “insulting the president” under Article 299 and disinformation under Article 217/A. Uludağ was ultimately arrested on the former charge and remains in prison pending trial, and still faces the disinformation charge.

 

On March 15, journalist Bilal Özcan was taken into custody after reporting that the death of an influencer may have been a homicide rather than a suicide. Özcan was arrested in Istanbul on disinformation charges and has since remained in pretrial detention.

 

On March 22, BirGün reporter İsmail Arı was detained in Tokat while visiting his family and transported to Ankara on disinformation charges stemming from a report about the financial mismanagement of public foundations. Arı denied any wrongdoing, stating that the information in his reporting had long been in the public domain. He was nevertheless imprisoned pending trial on disinformation charges and has since been held at Sincan Prison in Ankara.

 

On April 14, an Istanbul court sentenced journalists Murat Ağırel and Barış Pehlivan to one year and three months in prison each under Article 217/A for their commentary on a Halk TV broadcast about trade between Turkey and Israel. While the sentences have been handed down, Ağırel and Pehlivan have not yet been imprisoned, as the verdicts are subject to appeal.

 

Also on April 14, a separate Istanbul court convicted journalist Zafer Arapkirli under the disinformation law and sentenced him to two years and six months in prison. Arapkirli had been charged in connection with a social media post from December 2024, in which he condemned attacks by jihadist groups on Alawite settlements in Syria.

 

On April 17, Turgay Kılıç, a journalist at NEO TV in İzmir, was detained at his workplace and referred to court on disinformation charges over a social media post. Kılıç had shared screenshots of threats and calls to violence circulating on Telegram targeting schools in İzmir, following two separate attacks on schools in Turkey. In his statement to police, Kılıç said he had acted in his capacity as a journalist and that the images were drawn from publicly accessible Telegram groups. Kılıç was formally arrested following the detention. He was subsequently released under judicial supervision, but still faces prosecution.

 

On April 18, Mehmet Yetim, editorial director of Kulis TV, was detained in Urfa. Yetim was charged under the disinformation law, with authorities citing a social media post as the basis for the investigation. His family disputed the arrest, noting that the journalist had no criminal intent. The court nonetheless ordered his pretrial detention, ruling that supervisory measures short of imprisonment would be insufficient.

 

This documented pattern of abuse of the “disinformation law” against journalists and media positions Turkey as a regional and even global outlier in the misuse of regressive fake news and disinformation legislation to stifle media freedom and freedom of expression, and further weakens an already hostile climate for free and independent journalism in the country.

 

Turkey’s disinformation law is structurally incompatible with international press freedom standards. Its language fails to define clearly what constitutes “untrue information” or to specify what content poses a threat to national security or public order. As one journalist prosecuted under the law underlines: any information not sourced from the government is liable to be deemed false. Such deficiencies leave courts with unchecked power to determine criminality, enabling them to influence prosecutions of critical journalism.

 

The undersigned organisations reiterate that a free and independent press is itself the most durable safeguard against the spread of false information. Criminalising journalism is neither a lawful nor an effective response to it.

 

We call on Turkish authorities to immediately and unconditionally:

  • Release all journalists arrested under Article 217/A,
  • Drop all pending charges against journalists arising from their reporting or commentary,
  • Repeal Article 217/A in its entirety, and
  • Bring all legislation regulating freedom of expression into conformity with Turkey’s international obligations.

Signed by:

  • Articolo 21
  • Association of European Journalists (AEJ)
  • Coalition For Women In Journalism (CFWIJ)
  • Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)
  • Civil Rights Defenders (CRD)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Foreign Media Association (FMA) Turkey
  • International Federation of Journalists (IFJ)
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • IFEX
  • IPS Communication Foundation (bianet)
  • Media and Law Studies Association (MLSA)
  • Norwegian Helsinki Committee
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • South East Europe Media Organisation (SEEMO)
  • PEN America
  • PEN Denmark
  • PEN International
  • PEN Norway
  • PEN Sweden
  • Progressive Journalists Association (PJA)
  • P24 Platform for Independent Journalism
  • Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
  • The Journalists’ Union of Turkey (TGS)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Czech Republic: Public media funding bill raises concerns over…

Czech Republic: Public media funding bill raises concerns over compatibility with EMFA

A new government bill which would overhaul the funding model for the Czech public media risks financially weakening the broadcasters, eroding safeguards for their financial independence and violating European Media Freedom Act (EMFA), the undersigned Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) partners, and other media freedom, journalist and freedom of expression organisations warn today.

Our organisations call on the European Commission to closely assess this bill regarding its compatibility with Article 5 of EMFA and to ensure that no reforms are undertaken which threaten the financial, editorial or institutional independence of the Czech public media.

22.04.2026

On April 14, Czech Minister of Culture Oto Klempíř presented the new bill, which fundamentally changes the funding model of Czech Television (ČT) and Czech Radio (ČRo). The proposed law would abolish the current system of licence fees, replace it with direct funding from the state budget, and significantly reduce the amount of funding for both broadcasters. 

 

Under the proposal, funding would be set at a fixed amount and annually adjusted in line with inflation, up to a cap of five percent, while both institutions would fall under the oversight of the Supreme Audit Office. According to the bill, the two institutions would not be merged, contrary to earlier announcements, and their supervisory boards would remain unchanged. 

 

ČT would receive CZK 5.7 billion (€233 million) annually from the state, down from roughly CZK 6.7 billion (€274 million) in licence-fee income, while ČRo’s funding would fall from CZK 2.5 billion (€102 million) to just over CZK 2 billion (€82 million), effectively reversing the fee increase introduced by the previous government.

 

While the government points to similar funding models for other public media across the EU, ČT and ČRo have strongly opposed the plan, warning that the bill would open doors for “legal uncertainty, external pressure, and the weakening of editorial autonomy”.

 

A separate parliamentary proposal announced on 21 April is expected to exempt the above-75 age group and companies with less than 50 employees from paying license fees as of late 2026, as a transitional step ahead of the abolition of licence fees. But details on this secondary bill remain unclear due to lack of agreement within the ruling coalition.  

 

Our organisations are concerned that the parliamentary bill has been developed without proper consultation with ČT and ČRo, as well as media experts, civil society policy stakeholders, or international media freedom groups. Prime Minister Andrej Babiš and his coalition partners vowed before being reelected to merge ČT and ČRo and replace the licence fee with direct financing from the state budget. These proposals follow previous hostility towards public media by Babiš, and efforts under previous ANO-led administrations to weaken the safeguards protecting Czech public media’s independence.

 

ČT and ČRo are recognized within Central Europe as models of quality public-service broadcasting. For over three decades, both institutions have served as trusted broadcasters, reaching some of the largest audiences in the Czech Republic. The licence fee model, widely perceived as an effective and well-functioning system in the Czech Republic, has been a crucial guarantee of their financial sustainability and editorial independence.

 

Our organisations fear therefore that a motivation behind the announced changes is to weaken the broadcasters’ financial and editorial independence and compromise their ability to fulfill their public service remit. 

 

Article 5 of the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) requires all EU Member States, including the Czech Republic, to ensure the funding procedures of public broadcasters “are based on transparent and objective criteria laid down in advance” and broadcasters are provided with “adequate, sustainable and predictable financial resources corresponding to the fulfilment of and the capacity to develop within their public service remit”.

 

Our organisations call on the European Commission to closely monitor developments, examine the bill in light of the Article 5 of the EMFA, and urge the Czech authorities to refrain from making any changes to the funding system of the public media which weaken or erode financial, editorial or institutional independence.

 

These proposed changes represent a crucial test of the EMFA’s safeguards for the independence of public service media. The EU should use all tools at its disposal to prevent authorities in the Czech Republic from destabilising public media and increasing government leverage.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • ARTICLE 19
  • Index on Censorship
  • South East Europe Media Organisation (SEEMO)
  • Association of European Journalists (AEJ)
  • PEN International
  • Public Media Alliance (PMA)
  • European Broadcasting Union (EBU)
  • Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
  • IPI National Committee in the Czech Republic (CZ IPI)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.