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Poland: Opinion on EMFA reform of Broadcasting Law

Poland: Opinion on EMFA reform of Broadcasting Law

The International Press Institute (IPI), the European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF), the European Federation of Journalists (EFJ) and Free Press Unlimited (FPU) provide the following contribution to the public consultation into the draft act to amend the Polish Broadcasting and Television Act. The draft Act published by the Ministry of Culture and National Heritage represents a core element of the implementation of the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA).

28.01.2026

The International Press Institute (IPI), the European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF), the European Federation of Journalists (EFJ) and Free Press Unlimited (FPU) provide the following contribution to the public consultation into the draft act to amend the Polish Broadcasting and Television Act. The draft Act published by the Ministry of Culture and National Heritage represents a core element of the implementation of the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA).

 

The submission is made as part of our four organisations work in the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide consortium that monitors threats against media freedom and advocates for measures to improve the freedom of the press in European Member States and Candidate Countries. This opinion submission was led by IPI and supported by ECPMF, EFJ and FPU.

 

MFRR partners held an international press freedom mission to Warsaw in 2024 to meet with the new government and call for democratic reform. The recommendations from that mission were published in the following report. This submission follows the engagement of the MFRR with Polish authorities during the visit, builds on individual reports of partner organisations and MFRR monitoring in 2025.

 

MFRR partners have been among the key international media freedom bodies advocating strongly for the European Media Freedom Act (EU Regulation 2024/1083) and our organisations have engaged with the European Commission in all stages of its design, creation and implementation. In line with this commitment, our organisations provide the following opinion on the draft amendment of the Broadcasting Act, which we hope will have a positive effect on creating additional safeguards for the protection of free and independent journalism in Poland.

 


Introduction

The draft act to amend the Broadcasting and Television Act overall represents a positive but incomplete initiative to reform Polish media legislation and create additional safeguards to protect free and independent media in Poland. In its current form it represents a rule of law-oriented effort to implement elements of the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA), which entered into full force in August 2025. Our organisations commend the public consultation and the invitation to civil society and media organisations to participate. After this analysis, recommendations for changes to the draft amendment are outlined at the end of this submission.

 

Strengthening independence and the role of the National Broadcasting Council

A central pillar of the draft amendment involves the reformulation of the National Broadcasting Council (KRRiT) and measures to strengthen its independence. In a major change, the number of members on the KRRiT would be increased from five to nine, with four appointed by Sejm, two by the Senate and three by the President. One-third of the members will be replaced every two years.

 

KRRiT’s mandate would be expanded. Functions would include supporting self‑regulation in audience measurement and supporting the Media Ethics Council. It would also oversee and maintain a new database on media ownership and flows of state advertising to media. Under new EMFA rules, it would also be tasked with assessing media mergers and acquisitions through the lens of media pluralism and editorial independence (see below).

 

Under the draft legislation, the system for appointments to the expanded KRRiT would also be updated to strengthen selection criteria. Applicants would not be able to have been members of a political party in the past five years and must not have held party functions or have run on party lists in the last decade. Candidates would also require the written support of media or cultural NGOs. All appointment decisions must be preceded by public hearings with civil‑society participation. Decisions made by KRRiT’s chair would now need prior consent by the council.

 

Our organisations welcome the proposed reforms to KRRiT, which aligns with Article 7 of EMFA regarding the independence of national regulatory authorities. Under previous governments, KRRiT has undergone repeated cycles of politicisation, eroding its independence. The organisations notes the highly problematic actions of its former chair, who took disproportionate and unilateral actions against media reporting critical of the government. The requirement for decisions made by KRRiT’s chair to require consent from the council would strengthen democratic decision-making and are therefore particularly welcome.

 

We also welcome changes to criteria and civil society support for appointments, which would help improve the professionalism and independence of future candidates. An increased number of councillors on the KRRiT would also make any future political capture of the regulator more challenging, though not impossible. Overall, these changes would add safeguards but not firewalls, and the KRRiT should be closely monitored by civil society bodies.

 

Our organisations underscore that the independent functioning of KRRiT would be crucial to the success of the proposed reforms, including the strengthening of the independence of Poland’s public media. Considering the KRRiT’s members would be chosen by the Sejm, Senate and President, some level of political influence would remain. Some of the current KRRiT members exemplify these challenges.

 

The expansion of its mandate and centralisation of powers – spanning PSM performance and involvement of appointments, funding allocation, licensing regulation, and pluralism opinion – poses structural risks. Our organisations therefore urges a phased process of implementation to ensure KRRiT is reformed before its mandate is expanded. Options should be explored for a staggered implementation of the law to guarantee this.

 

Given the extension of the mandate of the KRRiT and the concentration of powers, we also urge the Ministry to assess whether the budget of the regulatory body is sufficient to adequately carry out its foreseen roles and responsibilities. However, additional funding, if required, should also be tied to reforms of KRRiT which increase its independence.

 

Regarding the proposed role of KRRiT in supporting the implementation of journalistic codes of ethics, our organisations stress that any increased involvement in ethics development by KRRiT should be either limited or scrapped. Media ethics should be the sole self-regulatory responsibility of media and journalists, not a politically-appointed regulator.

 

Dissolution of National Media Council

Under the draft amendment, the National Media Council (NMC) would be abolished. Article 1(18) of the draft bill repeals Articles 27–28a of the Broadcasting Act, which govern the NMC’s establishment, composition and powers. This would render the 2016 law establishing NMC obsolete. Upon dissolution, the NMC’s authority to appoint supervisory boards and management for public media (TVP, Polish Radio, PAP) would revert to the National Broadcasting Council (KRRiT). The NMC was established in 2016 by the Law and Justice (PiS) party to oversee public media, with powers to appoint and dismiss their boards and supervisory boards, approve programme councils and ensure alignment with the “national interest” in public broadcasting.

 

Partner organisations of the MFRR have strongly criticised the function and independence of the National Media Council. Its establishment in 2016 bypassed the existing constitutional body, KRRiT, to establish a separate public media regulator dominated, by design, by political allies and MPs. Through the NMC, PiS wielded significant power in deciding the composition of the country’s public media, handing the party considerable influence over shaping programming and editorial policy. Although the Polish Constitutional Tribunal ruled in December 2016 that the circumvention of the KRRiT’s mandate was unconstitutional, the government used a legal ambiguity to block any reform.

 

Our organisations therefore support the abolition of the National Media Council, which represents a core element in the previous government’s system of capture of the country’s public media. The dismantling of the NMC will return Poland’s media regulatory landscape to constitutional order and eliminate a key lever of government interference over public media, now and in the future. If implemented, the transfer of its powers back to a reformed KRRiT could support the depoliticisation of TVP and would hopefully speed up the end of the current state of liquidation.

 

It should again be stressed that reform of KRRiT to increase its independence and professionalism is vital to securing overall improvement to media regulation. The transfer of the NMC’s regulatory powers to the KRRiT must be preceded by the strengthening of the regulator’s functional independence. Centralising such regulatory powers in the KRRiT without first guaranteeing its independence poses serious risks. Our organisations again stresses the need for a phased process of implementation to ensure KRRiT is reformed before its mandate is expanded. Options should be explored for a staggered implementation to guarantee this.

 

Public media – funding cuts and transfer to tax‑based model

Under the draft amendment, the funding model for public media in Poland would shift from a primarily licence-fee subscription model to an integrated tax‑based model. The current subscription fee would be replaced in 2027 with an audiovisual payment embedded into annual personal income tax declarations. These changes would guarantee at least 2.5 billion PLN (€590 million) per year for 2027–2036. The annual budget would be set by the Finance Minister, allowing significant discretionary power, but would be approved by parliament.

 

Our organisations recognise the ineffectiveness of the current licence fee system. However, our organisations note with concern that, according to estimates, this proposed annual budget would be more than 30% lower than 2024 projections and represents only 0.06% of GDP. According to the European Broadcasting Union, this would rank Poland 26 out of 27 EU countries for public media funding, well below the EU average of 0.12% of GDP.

 

Article 5 of EMFA requires Poland to ensure public service media have editorial independence, transparent governance and stable and adequate funding. While the proposed reform would foresee ‘stable’ funding until 2036 on paper, the cut of 30% undermines alignment with EMFA rules on ‘adequate’ PSM funding. The foreseen cut would add financial strain to an already lost list of challenges facing the broadcasters, which remain under liquidation.

 

We therefore urge the government to rethink the proposed tax‑based model to ensure changes from 2027 would not result in significant budget cuts. We urge the Ministry of Culture and National heritage to guarantee funding of at least 0.12% of GDP, ensuring Poland remains within the EU average. A failure of the government to provide adequate and sustainable funding would undermine the ability of Poland’s public media to continue their process of reform.

 

The MFRR partners also warn that replacing the licence fee with budgetary subsidies, set by the Finance Minister, would make public media vulnerable to government decisions. Even if the funding requires parliamentary approval, this could potentially contradict EMFA Article 5 on independence. Annual budget cycles, while legally guaranteeing a minimum budget, could leave funding vulnerable to destabilising annual fluctuations. Additional safeguards should be implemented to ensure the annual allocation by the Minister is handled in a transparent, proportionate, non-discriminatory and merit-based manner, with strong parliamentary oversight. Ultimately, the abolition of the subscription fee should only be undertaken if funding is guaranteed in a model which is truly stable, without major cuts, and independent of government.

 

Public service media – appointments and governing procedures

Public service media governance would also be redesigned. Telewizja Polska, Polish Radio, and the 17 regional broadcasters, would be brought together under a unified governance model. As outlined above, the National Media Council would be eliminated and its powers would return to the KRRiT. Supervisory boards and programme councils would be reduced to nine members and partly filled through competitions organised by KRRiT, based on civil society and staff nominations, with published rankings and reasoning for transparent choices made. Editors‑in‑chief would be appointed from shortlists prepared by the TVP and PR programme councils, following consultations with editorial teams and trade unions. The overall position of manager of the PSM would be held in a single role.

 

Our organisations is broadly in favour of the new system for management appointments, which represents a significant improvement on the current system. The proposed changes would increase transparency in the appointment procedure and increase democratic decision-making. We particularly welcome the switch to the appointment of the editor-in-chiefs by the programme council, instead of the NMC, or KRRiT, and new rules to ensure that appointees to these management positions do have demonstrable political connections. If properly implemented and overseen by an independent KRRiT, the proposed changes should help depoliticise the broadcasters and considerably limit the political influence over both future programming and editorial decision-making. Moving forward, we urge the current unstable state of liquidation at public media to be ended in the soonest possible timeframe.

 

While successive governments in Poland failed to create conditions for independent public media, the politicisation of TVP under the previous government caused significant harm. Considerable work remains to be done to limit political influence, professionalise and modernise the broadcasters for the digital age, and rebuild badly damaged public trust. The change in management appointment system will not be enough on its own to undo this damage and will take commitment and time. We again stress that the success of the reform of the public media will be closely tied to the reform of KRRiT. The concentration of appointment procedures for public media in the hands of a single regulatory body poses risks if the independence of the KRRiT is not first guaranteed.

 

Media ownership transparency and state advertising transparency

The draft amendment foresees the establishment of a new system for tracking transparency of media ownership structures and state advertising in media. This database would be overseen by KRRiT. Regarding advertising transparency, it would ensure all allocation of public money to media in the form of state advertising is conducted in a transparent, impartial, inclusive and proportionate and non-discriminatory manner, backed by audits and sanctions. All public entities would be obliged to supply information to KRRiT on their criteria for advertising. In addition, the KRRIT would also maintain an up-to-date database on ownership structures of media entities. The regulator would also be obliged to issue advisory opinions in media‑merger cases and to monitor the market for pluralism and editorial independence.

 

Our organisations support the proposed reforms, which would implement Article 25 of EMFA. As our organisations have identified, under the previous PiS-led government state advertising by public bodies was distorted into a form of reward system for positive coverage, with independent media critical of the government deliberately cut off from these funds. This weaponisation of state advertising to punish watchdog journalism is a central element of media capture. Proposed measures to increase transparency over these financial flows should assist in creating much needed accountability and equity. Future attempts by administrations or regional or local governments to politicise the funding would be visible and far easier to identify and rectify. However, the success of the system in practice would require monitoring to assess the impact of its implementation.

 

To ensure strong oversight of transparent media ownership, the draft amendment should be strengthened to oblige KRRiT to examine all forms of beneficial and indirect ownership structures, with powers to investigate and request information on all non-transparent ownership. Tied to this, further assessment should examine whether the KRRiT has sufficient powers to sanction media outlets for clear breaches of transparency rules or for failing to provide information on ownership structures, while ensuring that any such powers are open to judicial review.

 

Our organisations welcomes the proposed introduction of new obligations for the assessment of media mergers, alongside UOKiK, Poland’s anti-monopoly and consumer rights watchdog. This aligns with Article 22 of the EMFA, which obliges all Member States to provide an assessment of the impact of key media market concentrations on media pluralism and editorial independence. Under the previous government, in 2020 the regional media network Polska Press was controversially acquired by the state-controlled oil company PKN Orlen, despite major concern over the shift in editorial policy to one more favourable to the government. In a legal challenge by the Ombudsman backed by the MFRR, the court rejected the obligation to consider the impact of media pluralism in the local media market when assessing the acquisition. As a result, the merger was approved and the takeover was completed. In the following months, MFRR organisations documented the editorial purge by the newly appointed management in the vast majority of media outlets acquired by Orlen. Had there been clear obligations for an impact assessment at the time, the takeover of Polska Press could have potentially been avoided. We hope that if implemented, the media pluralism test could avoid a repeat of this situation.

 

Our organisations would expect the reformed KRRiT to work with the European Board for Media Services, a new EU body comprising representatives from national media regulators, to carefully assess the impact of any future media mergers of acquisitions at either local and national level on media pluralism and editorial independence and refrain from approving deals if serious concerns emerge. An obligation should be added to require that KRRiT must automatically request an expert opinion from the European Board in all cases flagged by the Polish Ombudsman (Commissioner for Human Rights).

 

Ban on media publications by local public authorities

An earlier version of the draft amendment included plans for new rules to limit local governments’ ability to publish their own press titles. This provision would have helped limit the ability of local governments to sponsor press titles which promote the local authorities in question, especially ahead of elections. We note that the current draft amendment shared for public consultation has removed these rules. We further note the critical response to this change by the Chamber of Press Publishers, the Association of Local Newspapers and the Association of Local Media, which rightly argue that legislation is needed to strengthen local journalism in Poland.

 

The MFRR partners recognise the detrimental impact that the unfair use of state funds by local governments to publish political content has had on local media and the local advertising market. We stress that while this proposed reform is not foreseen within the scope of the EMFA, the reform of the Broadcasting Act can and should go beyond EMFA. As such, our organisations call for the reinstatement of the proposed rules on local government media publication, as initially outlined, while ensuring local authorities can continue to publish crucial information bulletins for citizens. We further stress the need for an additional government package of financial support for local media.

 

Conclusion

As outlined, the draft act to amend the Broadcasting and Television Act overall represents a welcome initiative to reform Polish media legislation, implement key elements of EMFA, and create additional safeguards to protect free and independent media in Poland. It would enhance transparency, good governance and pluralism safeguards. However, there remains space for improvement to create safer guardrails for the independence of the regulatory body KRRiT and help support the sustained reform and depoliticisation of public media.

 

The draft law is undermined by the proposed changes to the system of funding for the public media, which would result in a substantial loss of revenue and could result in unstable annual fluctuations in budgeting. Drastic cuts to the funding for public media must be addressed and additional safeguards must be implemented to ensure the independence of the reformed KRRiT is undertaken before its mandate is significantly extended.

 

If ultimately implemented, and improved with the following recommendations, we believe these reforms would partially undo damage done to Poland’s landscape for media freedom under previous governments, especially that led by PiS, and construct much needed defences against future capture of the media ecosystem.

 

The bill therefore represents a measured and democratic attempt to depoliticise the public broadcasting and media freedom landscape in a proportionate and non-discriminatory manner. Our organisations also assessed that the draft amendment does not include significant additions beyond the scope of the European Media Freedom Act.

 

Until these reforms are fulfilled, Poland will remain frozen in a state of media freedom limbo: trapped with many of the previous damaging changes but unable to reverse them or safeguard against future threats.

 

While other EU countries have already implemented the European Media Freedom Act, Poland lags behind. Our organisations are aware that ultimately the passing of the draft bill into law will depend on its approval by President Nawrocki and are committed to advocating for the passing of the legislative reform despite these limitations.

 

To further improve the quality of the draft amendment, the undersigned partner organisations of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) outline the following recommendations.

 

Recommendations:

– Implement a phased implementation approach to ensure that reform of KRRiT is completed or significantly advanced before its mandate is expanded, to ensure independent media regulation

– To add additional safeguards, detach KRRiT’s assessment powers -such as public service mission performance – from sanctioning and regulatory functions, such as funding allocation and appointment procedures.

– Clarify the methodologies and decision making powers governing KRRiT’s expanded powers, ensuring they are transparent and have the backing of media and civil society groups

– Oblige KRRiT to examine all forms of beneficial and indirect ownership structures, with powers to investigate and request information on all non-transparent media ownership, with transparent criteria and justifications provided for assessments and disclosure powers

– Further assessment to examine whether the KRRiT has sufficient powers to sanction media outlets for clear breaches of transparency rules or for failing to provide information on ownership structures. Provide clarity on the sanctions possible for non compliance with disclosure.

– Assess whether the budget of KRRiT is sufficient to adequately carry out its foreseen expanded roles and responsibilities. Additional funding, if required, should also be tied to reforms of the regulatory body which increase its independence

– Any increased involvement of KRRiT in supporting or promoting journalistic ethics should be either significantly limited or scrapped, as media ethics should be the sole self-regulatory responsibility of media and journalists

– Guarantee a system funding of at least 0.12% of GDP for public media, ensuring Poland remains within the EU funding average

– Examine the possibility of multi-year planning for public media budgets to avoid short-term yearly planning schedules and increase predictability

– Ensure the system for allocation of media budgets provided by the Finance Ministry by KRRiT are clearly grounded in law under a transparent methodology

– Add additional safeguards to ensure the annual allocation of funding by the Finance Minister is handled in a transparent, proportionate, non-discriminatory and merit-based manner

– Clarify the relationship between KRRiT and UOKiK regarding media merger assessments and the powers of both bodies, under the new system, to block or challenge media mergers identified as posing a threat to media pluralism or editorial independence

–  Reinstate the originally proposed rules on banning local government media publication, while ensuring local authorities can continue to publish crucial information bulletins

–  Complement the amendment of the Broadcasting Act with additional measures to support local and regional media, to bolster local democracy reporting

–   Take steps to push forward reforms to the public media governance with urgency, ensuring the end of the current state of liquidation and a return to stability for public media employees

 

The undersigned organisations remain open to further communication and dialogue with the Polish government and President in the ongoing creation and debate on the implementation of this bill and wider EMFA reforms, as well as with the journalistic and civil society community.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Poland: Media Capture and EMFA Monitoring Report 2025

Poland: Media Capture and EMFA Monitoring Report 2025

The International Press Institute (IPI) and the Media and Journalism Research Center (MJRC) today publish a new report examining media capture in Poland in 2025 and the country’s compliance with the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA).

16.12.2025

The report – the eighth in a new series of Media Capture Monitoring Reports for 2025 – reviews developments regarding media capture and control in Poland over the past year and assesses the country’s compliance with EMFA since the EU Commission’s regulation entered into full force in August 2025.

It concludes that EMFA has not yet been incorporated into Poland’s national media legislation. Following the October 2023 elections which raised hopes for the re-democratisation of public service media, a fairer distribution of state advertising, and stronger measures to promote media plurality, the current coalition government led by Prime Minister Donald Tusk has still not advanced with the amendment to the media law that would align national regulation with EMFA’s key principles.

 

Facing the obstacle of a presidential veto, much of the government’s overall media reform agenda has stalled or been limited, undermining broader media freedom progress.

 

Examining these issues in detail, the report provides recommendations on a variety of measures and policies necessary to address media capture in Poland and create a free, pluralistic and democratic media ecosystem, in line with EMFA provisions

 

This report is part of a broader series covering seven other EU countries: Bulgaria, Finland, Greece, Hungary, Romania, Slovakia and Spain.

 

IPI and MJRC will also publish an overview report, summarising major developments across the EU in the past year.

 

These reports are intended as a vital resource for media rights organizations, civil society groups, policymakers, and advocates dedicated to monitoring and fostering media freedom across the EU.

EXPLORE THE METHODOLOGY
For more information or media inquiries, please contact:
  • Jamie Wiseman, Senior Europe Advocacy Officer – IPI, jwiseman@ipi.media
  • Marius Dragomir, Project Editor – MJRC, mdragomir@journalismresearch.org

This report was coordinated by IPI as part of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Poland: New president urged to commit to press freedom…

Poland: New president urged to commit to press freedom reforms

Following the victory of Karol Nawrocki in Poland’s presidential election on 1 June, the undersigned media freedom organisations today call on the president elect to commit to building a cross-party consensus required to bolster press freedom and strengthen Polish democracy.

06.06.2025

Though the election of the Nawrocki, an ally of the Law and Justice (PiS) party, pits him in opposition to the government of Prime Minister Donald Tusk, our organisations jointly stress the need for genuine and effective cooperation to drive forward much needed reforms to the media ecosystem, including on Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPPs) and the democratisation of the country’s public media.

 

Media reform plans should bring Polish legislation in line with requirements set out by the European Union’s European Media Freedom Act (EMFA), which is due to come into effect in August this year, and EU anti-SLAPP Directive and Recommendation adopted in 2024.

 

A lack of cooperation and compromise between the new president and government ultimately risks undermining the prospects for comprehensive reform of the Polish media landscape, hindering efforts to strengthen the resilience and independence of public media, and negatively impacting citizen’s right to information.

 

Since its election in October 2023, the current Civic Coalition-led ruling majority has been working on reform proposals in this direction. However, the process has proven more difficult than initially expected, with politicians citing the complexity of large scale reform as progress slowed to a halt. In addition, the government has tried to justify the drawn-out timeline for reforms by the risk of being blocked by President Andrzej Duda, who is politically affiliated with PiS. For instance, a presidential veto in late 2023 deprived the public media of funding.

 

Under the former PiS-led government, the country’s public media and key broadcast media regulator suffered from political capture and the erosion of their independence, while politicians and figures connected to the government abused the legal system to try and silence the media with vexatious lawsuits.

 

Poland’s National Broadcasting Council (KRRiT) was politically captured by PiS. Since 2022, it has been led by the PiS-appointed Maciej Świrski, who uses his position to withhold funds to the public media – whom he accuses of being controlled by the new government – and to issue fines to broadcasters critical of PiS.

 

The public broadcasters Telewizja Polska (TVP) and Polskie Radio remain in a state of legal limbo following the 2023 elections, when the new government bypassed established procedures to remove pro-PiS leadership and journalists from their positions. While TVP is no longer the same propaganda machine it was under PiS, it is not a fully independent public broadcaster either. Critics, including media watchdogs and journalists, have pointed to a clear bias in favor of the current ruling coalition – though less blatant than under the previous government.

 

Systemic reform, outlined in recommendations formulated by Reporters Without Borders’ (RSF) and the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) following their missions to the country, remain essential to ensuring that stronger safeguards are established, to prevent all forms of political interference in editorial decision making and managerial appointments, as well as to ensure that state propaganda that defined TVP under PiS cannot return.

 

As highlighted in a recent report published by IPI and the Media and Journalism Research Centre (MJRC), the new government’s reform package aims in part to address the situation at TVP, ensure the independence of KRRiT and improve media ownership transparency. New media legislation would also help improve protections of editorial independence and media pluralism, as well as ensure the fair and transparent distribution of state advertising.

 

Moving forward, we therefore urge the president elect Nawrocki to play a positive role in developing the political consensus necessary to drive through long-term protections for media freedom in Poland, and to approve the aforementioned proposals if they are passed in parliament.

 

To do so, we call on president elect Nawrocki to cooperate with both chambers of parliament in the coming months to accelerate the implementation of the guiding principles of EMFA and the EU anti-SLAPP initiative into national law. This should include improving legal safeguards for the editorial independence of private media, bolstering the independence of the public broadcaster and of KRRiT, as well as shielding media from vexatious lawsuits.

 

Doing so will increase the protection of media freedom and independent journalism as essential pillars of a free and democratic Polish society.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
  • Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso Transeuropa (OBCT)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and Candidate Countries.

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Depoliticising the Media landscape: discussing findings of MFRR report…

Depoliticising the Media landscape: 

Discussing findings of MFRR report on Poland

28 January, 14:00 CET.

On 16-17 September 2024, the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) consortium conducted a mission to Poland exploring the changes in the media environment since parliamentary elections in 2023 which brought an end to eight years of government by the Law and Justice (PiS) party.

 

Following the mission, MFRR partners issued a report summarising conclusions made as a result of the mission.

 

While the report underlined overall substantial progress in ensuring media freedom in Poland, pressing challenges persisted. These included:

 

  • Guaranteeing sustainable independence of the public broadcaster
  • Continued political capture of Poland’s media regulators
  • Media pluralism especially at the local level

 

To discuss the findings of the report, representatives of the MFRR will be joined by leading Polish journalists and media experts who were interviewed as part of the recent MFRR mission to Poland.

Moderator

Oliver Money-Kyrle

Head of Europe Advocacy and Programmes, International Press Institute (IPI)

Speakers

Tadeusz Kowalski

Member of Poland’s National Broadcasting Council (KRRiT)

Aleksandra Sobczak

Deputy editor-in-chief of Gazeta Wyborcza

Joanna Szymańska

Article 19 Europe and Central Asia Senior Programme Officer 

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Depoliticizing Poland’s Media landscape: Assessing the progress of media…

Mission Report

Depoliticizing Poland’s Media landscape: Assessing the progress of media reform in 2024

The Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) today calls for more ambitious media reforms as it published its report ‘Depoliticizing Poland’s Media Landscape: Assessing the Progress of Media Reform in 2024’.

The report is based on the media freedom mission to Poland, 16-17 September, where MFRR members met with a range of government and media stakeholders to discuss the challenges facing media and the challenge of media reform since the 2023 elections. 

 

Key mission findings include:

  • The media freedom situation in Poland has improved substantially with much greater independence of public media, a drop in vexatious lawsuits, better levels of media pluralism and an end to abuse of state funds to influence media. 
  • While public media has shed its propaganda role, it remains neither fully objective nor reliably depoliticised. The government has much to do to guarantee the future political and financial independence of public media. 
  • The broadcast regulator, KRRiT, remains highly politicized and continues to abuse its powers to issue fines against media.
  • Media pluralism concerns, which were acute in 2023, have eased with the improved independence of the public broadcaster and PKN Orlen’s decision to sell Polska Press.
  • The distribution of state advertising, weaponized by previous governments to deny funds to critical media, is to be reformed to improve the fairness and transparency of the process.   
  • The threat from SLAPP cases has significantly diminished and we welcome the Ministry of Justice’s plans to transpose the EU’s anti-SLAPP Directive and to decriminalize defamation.

Despite progress, MFRR calls on the government to implement urgent and ambitious reforms to ensure the future of the public broadcaster in a non-linear market, strengthen safeguards for its future independence, reform media regulators, and to protect media pluralism, media sustainability and editorial independence.

 

MFRR urges the government, as it brings legislation into line with the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) and the Anti-SLAPP Directive, to go further than the minimum standards in order to be able to fully tackle the risks of media capture and protect media from vexatious lawsuits. 

 

Poland has the opportunity to become a model of media reform and media freedoms. If successful, it would set an example for other countries seeking to wind back the impact of politically driven media capture, as well as to build strong safeguards against its return. 

 

The Media Freedom Rapid Response mission partners included the European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF), the International Press Institute (IPI), ARTICLE 19 Europe, the European Federation of Journalists (EFJ) and Free Press Unlimited (FPU).

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Polish journalism stuck at the crossroads

Polish journalism stuck at the crossroads

On 16–17 September 2024, the MFRR partner organisations conducted an advocacy mission to Warsaw, Poland, as a follow-up to the fact-finding mission of 2023. In light of the change in government, the focus of this year’s mission was on measures to reform public service media, protect journalists from Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPPs), and propose reforms to the media landscape in line with the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA). For this purpose, the MFRR asked Krzysztof Bobinski to provide an overview of the dilemmas and challenges facing the Polish media community, media regulators, and the government.

 

Bobinski is President of Unia & Polska, a pro-European think-tank and member of the Polish Society of Journalists. Formerly, he was the Warsaw correspondent of the Financial Times of London until 2000, during which time he also contributed to the Washington Post, Baltimore Sun, the Economist, and the BBC.

Poland’s parliamentary election in October  2023 saw the victory of a pro democratic coalition over the populist Law and Justice (PiS) party in power from the autumn of 2015. Once  elected, PiS seized  control the country’s public service media (PSM) – television (TVP) public radio (PR) as well as the Polish Press Agency (PAP) . The government also sought to influence private media (both local and foreign owned) combining intimidation with bribery based on promising the placement of government advertising to win the favour of newspapers, broadcasters and magazines. PSM management appointments came under ruling party control. Under PiS daily newscasts consisted of  pro government propaganda reaching a crescendo at election times when aggressive propaganda was aimed against  democratic opposition candidates and the government politicians’ election pledges were presented in mellifluous tones. Journalistic standards hit rock bottom and any notion of an impartial, fair minded and informative PSM thought to be essential to a well functioning democracy became a distant dream.

  

Listeners, viewers and readers came to rely on private media both local and foreign such as the US owned TVN television station or the locally owned TOK FM talk radio and the independent Gazeta Wyborcza to provide an alternative view.  But the private sector also had its black sheep as major broadcasters like RMF owned by Bauer , the German media conglomerate, or Polsat TV owned by Zygmunt Solorz, a Polish oligarch owning major energy businesses, toned down critical coverage of the government in return for favours in the form of government funded advertising  and assurances that no hostile moves would be made against them by official tax or other controllers. Wirtualna Polska, a locally owned internet company, made a habit of running pro government content under journalistic pseudonyms in return for government funding.

 

Information about these practices has appeared since the fall of the PiS government, and key executives responsible for these practices have been quietly sacked, Wirtualna Polska has engineered a complete makeover to re-establish its reputation and Polsat TV has returned to impartial news reporting. But maybe predictably the industry’s private sector  as a whole has failed to analise how it defended or failed to defend journalistic standards at this difficult time. The Izba Wydawców Prasy, (the Chamber of Press Publishers) which represents the Polish newspaper publishers and other media organisations has avoided any public discussion of these issues and newspapers have, in the main, avoided any analysis of the implications of what really went on between 2015 – 2023, This is a major failure as we seek to restore journalistic standards in Poland.

 

It would appear that setting the public service media to rights would be simpler than rebuilding journalistic standards in the private sector.

 

But the task facing reformers of TVP and PR is more of a challenge because any legal change requires new legislation which can be delivered by the two houses of parliament where the democratic coalition has a majority but Andrzej Duda, the president who favours the former Law and Justice regime and  holds the right to veto legislation.  He is in power till May 2025 and   progress can only be made on reform if a pro democracy candidate is elected in May next year.

 

With support for PiS running at 30 percent at the same level as that of the Civic Coalition  (KO) which heads the democratic coalition, Donald Tusk , the KO leader has to be careful not to give PiS supporters cause for criticism  as he seeks to build a majority for the democrats.  This appears to  be his plan which is reminiscent of Sir Robert Walpoles, Britian’s first prime minister’s famous dictum “let sleeping dogs lie”. Thus Donald Tusk wants to avoid a row with PiS which continues to maintain that their model of the PSM was the most democratic and pluralistic model ever.

 

Thus work will continue slowly on new PSM legislation  and it seems drafts will only be sent to parliament for approval  only when Poland has a new president.

 

Initially the new government dismissed the old pro PiS management from TVP and PR thanks to a legal device under which they put both organisations and PAP into liquidation and then appointed a liquidator of their choice. These liquidators thus run the PSM companies as director generals seemingly in finitum or at least until new legislation is passed.

 

The greatest challenge, though, is to put in place a system in which the PSM are independent of external pressure which includes government officials, politicians, lobbyists working for powerful corporations  and others who would like influence the public message. Politicians are the greatest threat.

 

The record  so far is not encouraging. The process by which the current directors of PSM (the liquidators) were appointed was not transparent. It seems that they were appointed on the basis of recommendations from coalition politicians. Each of the three parties sought to make sure that they would have their supporters in key positions. The new appointees then proceeded to appoint people they knew to replace journalists tainted by their support for PiS. Also it seems that many PiS supporters are still in place. These methods do not bode well for the future when a new management structure will be put in place.

 

The Ministry of Culture and National Heritage (MkiDN) which is responsible for PSM and has been mandated to prepare legislation transposing the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) into Polish law admits in a recent consultation  document that legislation in place till 2015 regulating management appointments in PSM while  ‘formally guaranteeing PSM independence’  nevertheless has procedures which mean that ’PSM are dependent on external actors who enjoy unlimited possibilities of influencing their management’.

 

These consultations close on September 23 but whatever their outcome it seems that Donald Tusk, the prime minister will have the final say on the degree to which PSM will be independent.

 

Unfortunately it seems that Tusk and consequently his party (KO) give little priority to media freedom issues. His main concern up till now has been to make sure that the stream of PiS propaganda put out by PSM be stopped and that has happened. Further than that, he has in the past showed little interest in PSM putting his trust more in private broadcasters whose owners he felt would be more inclined to support his free market policies. KO events in the past eight months have devoted little time to  freedom media issues. If anything, Tusk fears that in future a reformed public media might be taken over again by a populist party and repeat the PiS performance  of 2016 – 2023.

 

If truth be told the PSM cause currently attracts little interest in the population at large. When PiS was in power opponents of the PiS government watched TVN and listened to private radio stations while TVP and PR were favoured by PiS supporters.  After the election  in 2023 the pro democracy electorate stayed with TVN and tended to ignore the new politically correct but lack lustre  PSM news casts now free of PiS control. Meanwhile  unhappy and fiercely loyal  PiS supporters migrated from TVP and PR to Republica, a tv station owned by PiS, which now broadcasts the rabid propaganda which was pumped out by the PiS controlled PSM.  On top of this there are signs of ‘news fatigue’  in the population at large with over half of the below 34 year olds not watching television at all. Those who do watch TV are the  the over sixties. 93  per cent of this age group switch their sets on every day.

 

Thus the  challenge is not only to keep the politicians from threatening PSM independence but also to reinvent the public service media as the go to medium for news and by the population at large. So far no one is asking what, actually, the PSM are for,  yet. But they soon will.

 

Amidst these major audience shifts and desultory debates about the future shape of PSM several media related issues are being completely ignored. But they are important to the future of journalism in Poland. 

 

One  major issue which has to be addressed by anyone who is looking to reform Polish journalism as it emerges from eight years of rule by politicians who did not  respect media freedom. This is the problem of the working conditions of media people, their remuneration and newsroom  relationships between management, editors and rank and file journalists. This also about the conditions which women journalists have to suffer at work. It is also about respecting the right of  journalistic staff to have some influence over editorial policies, even the appointments of their bosses and the future of the companies they whom they work. This includes guarantees  for the right of professional  journalists to write the truth within the confines of a general editorial policy agreed consensually with media owners.   Such mechanisms could be in line with recommendations originally attached by the European Commission to its draft regulation which seem to have been forgotten in the general debate about EMFA.

 

The problem in Polish journalism though is that while owners of media organisations and senior journalists have no interest in democratising management practices  rank and file journalists also don’t appear to be very interested. One veteran journalist remarked when asked about giving writers and editors a  say  in the  election of the chief editor remarked “what you mean asking the actors to elect the theatre director?”.

 

Another huge subject is mobbing and sexual molestation which have been rife in Polish news rooms. While individual cases do get written up in the media, victims of such practices generally fail to report them. A study of sexual harassment conducted by Poland’s Zamenhof Institute in 2023  (www.zamenhof.pl) asked 268 women journalists about their experience at work.  59 per cent replied that they had experienced sexual molestation of some kind at work while 5 per cent reported that they had been actually forced to have sex against their will. The report failed to attract much media attention.

 

Paulina Januszewska, a working journalist, earlier this year published a book called “Gównodziennikarstwo” (Shitjournalism) which chronicles the various pathologies in Polish journalism. Mainstream media have, so far, paid it scant regard.

 

It is essential that media owners take steps to limit this kind of behaviour. Pay scales must also be adjusted to eliminate the exploitation  of  young reporters and improve wage levels across the board which would include limiting huge salaries for well known  journalists. This would help to make newsrooms happier places and if management were to pursue policies aiming at establishing civilized relationships between the rank and file and senior editors. Only then would journalists be able to do their jobs properly and respecting ethical standards and resisting attempts to undermine their independence.

 

Attention to introducing laws and regulations, transparency and the establishment of institutional safeguards against attempts to capture media by external actors are important. However these mechanisms will only work  if reasonably well paid professional journalists enjoy the respect of their superiors  at work. Only then can Polish journalism play the role that is required of it in a well ordered democracy. 

Krzysztof Bobinski, Society of Journalists, Warsaw

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More ambitious reform needed to secure media freedom in…

More ambitious reform needed to secure media freedom in Poland

The Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) consortium completed a two-day mission to Poland, 16-17 September, where it held meetings with the Minister of Justice, Adam Bodnar, the Ministry of Culture as well as journalists, publishers, regulators, media law experts. 

The mission focused on measures to reform public service media, to protect journalists from Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPPs) and proposals to reform the media landscape in line with the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA). 

 

The meetings discussed the changes within the public service media since the Civic Coalition led government of Donald Tusk used contested legal mechanisms to remove senior figures at the public broadcaster, Telewizja Polska S.A. (TVP), and end the control exercised over it by the former government of the Law and Justice party, PiS.  

 

The mission welcomed assurances from the Minister of Justice that the government would decriminalize defamation and ensure that the reforms to address SLAPPs will go beyond the minimum scope set by the EU Directive and apply to domestic SLAPP cases as well as cross-border ones. This is particularly significant as nearly all of the SLAPP cases in Poland recorded by the CASE Coalition involve domestic actors only. The Ministry also says it has moved swiftly to withdraw the 37 SLAPP cases that had been launched by the previous cabinet.

 

The Ministry of Culture has set out a timetable to bring Polish legislation in line with the EMFA. Public consultation on the media law reforms closes on 23 September and the ministry plans to issue a draft law before the end of the year before becoming law by the summer of 2025.The ministry proposes to reform the governance and operations of the national broadcast regulator KRRiT that oversees all broadcast media, and to provide direct state funding based on 0.09% of the annual GDP. 

 

The government has been criticized in several quarters for appearing to drag its feet in enacting reforms and providing legal and financial certainty to the public broadcaster which has been operating in a state of ‘liquidation’ since the beginning of the year. The delay may, in part, be explained by the need to wait for the presidential elections due in 2025, before which any new reform would likely be vetoed by the current President, Andrzej Duda. 

 

Other proposals include, improving media ownership transparency, introducing a mechanism for assessing and safe-guarding media pluralism, and ending the abuse of state advertising to reward government allies in the media.  There is also a discussion around ending the direct funding and ownership of media by local governments and to instead establish a public fund to support independent regional media.  

 

Many commentators called for more ambitious reforms of public media to ensure it is fit for the digital age and can provide impactful public service journalism for all communities and demographics across the country. 

 

The state of TVP meanwhile is mixed. While it is no longer the propaganda tool of one political party and is providing a much more balanced brand of political coverage, the main news channel, TVP INFO, has lost over 70% of its audience, mostly to the  TV Republika that is supportive of the Law and Justice party. TVP still has much work to do to rebuild its audience and credibility.  

 

While enormous challenges remain, the overall outlook for Polish media is incomparably better than it was one year ago when MFRR issued its pre-election report, Media Freedom at a Crossroads

 

The Media Freedom Rapid Response will publish a full report on its findings in October. In the meantime we wish to thank all of the interlocutors who took the time to meet with us. The mission partners included the European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF), the International Press Institute (IPI), ARTICLE 19 Europe, the European Federation of Journalists (EFJ) and Free Press Unlimited (FPU).

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States, Candidate Countries.

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Leader of Civic Platform (PO) and Poland Prime Minister Donald Tusk speaks during a rally on the 'Nowy Targ' square in Wroclaw, Poland, 24 June 2023. EPA-EFE/Tomasz Golla Library

Poland: International advocacy mission to assess media freedom reforms

Poland: International advocacy mission to assess media freedom reforms

On 16 and 17 September, the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) partners will conduct an international mission to assess the on-going reforms in the media and press freedom in Poland. 

The current mission builds on the 2023 mission by the MFRR ahead of the parliamentary elections, which produced a sobering report highlighting  the media’s economic struggle amid a polarised media landscape, loss of editorial independence by public service media, and frequent use of vexatious lawsuits by the public figures against critical journalists. 

 

The 2024 mission will be led by the European Centre for Press and Media Freedom and co-led by the International Press Institute. The mission will also see the participation of other MFRR representatives: the European Federation of Journalists, Free Press Unlimited, and ARTICLE 19 Europe. 

 

The 2024 mission will focus on reforms of the public service broadcasters, draft media legislation, editorial independence, economic sustainability, and media pluralism . It will also examine the government’s preparations to implement the EU’s European Media Freedom Act and Anti-SLAPP Directive.

 

The MFRR’s interlocutors will include a broad group of media experts and journalists, relevant authorities, and legislators. 

 

The findings and conclusions will be spelt out in a report, assessing the pace of media reform in Poland and implementation of the EMFA, as well as measures countering SLAPPs. It will include a set of recommendations for decision-makers on upholding media freedom in line with European and international freedom of expression standards. The MFRR team will meet the media to discuss the findings on 17 September at 12 pm at the Pracownia Duży Pokój, 4/6 Warecka Street, 00-040 Warsaw.

 

For inquiries, please contact Olena Cherniavska, Advocacy Officer/ECPMF: at olena.cherniavska@ecpmf.eu  or +4915164840621 & Katia Mierzejewska, Comms and Media Officer/ARTICLE 19 Europe, at Katia.Mierzejewska@article19.org or on +31620466634

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Poland: Regulator Fine against TVN appears to punish independent…

Poland: Regulator Fine against TVN appears to punish independent journalism


Poland’s politically controlled media regulator punishes private TV channel for a documentary on child abuse in the church

The undersigned partner organizations of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) today condemn the 550.000 PLN (approximately 127.000 EUR) fine issued by Poland’s National Broadcasting Council (KRRiT) to TVN, one of Poland’s largest broadcasters. The fine is yet another reminder of the urgent need to reform Poland’s politicized regulator.

 

KRRiT issued the fine on March 6 following its investigation into a documentary film aired by TVN in March 2023. The documentary, which was part of a series on child abuse in the Catholic Church, delved into allegations surrounding Pope John Paul II’s potential involvement in covering up the scandal.

 

KRRiT is headed by Maciej Świrski, appointed by the parliament in 2022, who is known to be a close ally of the former governing Law and Justice (PiS) party. KRRiT remains an institution under PiS influence with a history of harassing independent and opposition media under the previous government. This included issuing arbitrary fines and delaying decisions on license renewals for TVN, TVN24 and TOK FM, which breached the body’s own rules and created economic uncertainty for targeted independent outlets.

 

Under Świrski, KRRiT fined TOK FM 80.000 PLN (roughly 19.000 EUR) in April 2023 for ‘inciting hatred’ when a commentator claimed that new school history books reminded him of language used in Nazi youth textbooks. It also fined Eurozet/Radio Zet 476.000 PLN for ‘promoting false information’ for a broadcast claiming US secret services had transported Ukraine’s President Zelensky through Poland without seeking assistance or properly informing Polish authorities.

 

KRRiT has yet to rule on two more cases against TVN, for a documentary on the Smoleńsk air tragedy and a report on police actions against a woman admitted to hospital after taking an abortion pill.   

 

The latest fine against TVN demonstrates the dangers that a politically captured media regulator poses to media freedom as it misuses its powers to punish independent journalism and curtail media freedom. KRRiT, left unchecked, is reaching beyond its constitutional role of media regulator and acting like a public censor by punishing outlets for legitimate, if uncomfortable, public interest journalism.

 

The independence of regulatory bodies is vital for the transparent and impartial oversight of broadcast media and to guarantee media pluralism and media freedoms. It is also a requirement of both the European Union’s Audiovisual Media Services Directive and the new Media Freedom Act.  

 

As part of the ongoing reforms of the media sector, we call on the new government led by the Civic Coalition (KO) to ensure that media regulators, as with the public service media, are entirely independent of political and governmental control, and have no power to interfere in the editorial decisions of newsrooms.

Signed by:

  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • ARTICLE 19 Europe

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and candidate countries. 

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Poland: MFRR reasserts recommendations for democratic reform for press…

Poland: MFRR reasserts recommendations for democratic reform for press freedom and public media

The undersigned partner organisations of the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR) today renew their call for democratic and comprehensive reform to Poland’s public broadcasters which creates systematic safeguards to limit the ability of all governments, future and present, to meddle in editorial or institutional independence of the country’s public media.

The MFRR coalition also reaffirms the set of recommendations for steps that can be taken by the new coalition government to improve the wider situation for media freedom and independent journalism in Poland. These recommendations were jointly developed following a recent mission of the MFRR to Warsaw ahead of the election.

 

Our organisations jointly urge the new Civic Platform-led government to heed the concerns and recommendations of media freedom organisations. We call on political leaders to ensure that all reforms to the media space in Poland – both underway and planned – adhere to democratic values and follow the rule of law.

 

The call comes amidst an ongoing battle over the future of public broadcaster TVP and Polish Radio. Since coming to power, the new government abruptly dismissed the supervisory bodies of TVP and national news agency PAP and put the public media into liquidation, an unprecedented move which uses a legal loophole to allow the government to continue financing the broadcaster while also making internal changes.

 

While the new administration has defended the moves as necessary to dismantle the propaganda output of TVP, the former ruling party has criticized the changes as undemocratic and aimed at cementing a new form of political control over the channels.

 

While the MFRR continues to support much needed reforms by the new coalition government to restore the impartiality, reliability and professionalism of public media in Poland, the means used to do so must be democratic, legal and truly aimed at increasing pluralistic and balanced coverage, prioritizing the public interest over any one political interest.

 

With a new law on public service media reportedly being developed by the coalition parties, our organizations also call on the new government to conduct a thorough consultative process on any proposed legislative changes, urge that that the concerns of the media community are heeded, and stress that reforms are fully in line with the principles outlined in the European Commission’s European Media Freedom Act (EMFA), particularly regarding guarantees for political independence.

 

Crucially, any reforms by the new government must not perpetuate the cycle of capture and control that was taken to extremes by the Law and Justice (PiS) party during its years in power and ensure that deep structural changes to the management and regulation of TVP and Polish Radio are undertaken which will put an end to repeated periods of politicization after elections.

 

Given the importance of regulation of public media in Poland, the new administration must address the National Media Council (NMC), which has been identified as a key instrument created by PiS to wield greater control over TVP. The NMC remains an unconstitutional body dominated by PiS appointees and should be addressed under relevant law.

 

Democratic changes to address the ongoing crisis at public media in Poland are possible, but must be made with restraint and the utmost respect for the rule of law and democracy. The MFRR therefore reasserts the recommendations regarding the future of the public media that were made jointly by our organisations in September 2023 ahead of the election and calls on the new government to carefully consider and implement them. The full MFRR mission report can be read here.

 

Recommendations

Public service media

  • Public broadcasting requires a root and branch reform of both the governance structures and financing mechanism to guarantee political independence and the fulfilling of the public service remit. In particular:
  • The appointment process for management and governing bodies must be depoliticised with candidates appointed through transparent, open, and non-discriminatory procedures on the basis of their professional skills and experience with guarantees of political neutrality.
  • PSM funding must be conducted through arms-length decision making ideally through a form of TV licensing to ensure that the funds are free of political interference. Any government supplementary allocation should be taken in transparent decision making, that guarantees stable long-term financing, adequate to fulfil the public service mission.

———

The MFRR mission made further recommendations on wider improvements to the press freedom landscape in Poland.

Media regulation

Media regulators must be able to operate fully independent of government in line with Article 30 of the EU’s Audiovisual Media Services Directive that demands regulators are legally distinct from government and functionally independent of their respective government. Reform of KRRiT should include:

  • Depoliticising the appointments process to ensure candidates are appointed through transparent, open, and non-discriminatory procedures on the basis of their professional skills and experience with explicit guarantees of political neutrality.
  • Ensuring all processes with respect to licensing and investigations into breaches of the code are subject to clear and transparent procedures and collegiate decision making. Failure to meet those procedures, such as undue delays in licensing decisions, or manifestly politicized investigations, must have clear consequences for those responsible with commensurate compensation provided to the broadcaster affected.
  • All decisions must be duly justified in line with the regulatory powers of the office and broadcast code.
  • All investigations into alleged breaches of the broadcast code must be conducted by the full board and not placed in the hands of the Chair alone. Investigations should follow due process allowing the accused to present its arguments. Decisions should be accompanied by detailed justifications. There should be an appeals process for condemned media including the option to revisit rulings in the courts in line with European standards of free expression.
  • Information should be publicly available on the handling of all complaints received with detailed reports issued at least annually on all decisions with due justification.

 

Media pluralism

Media pluralism must be ensured through a diverse range of media and owners that operate independently of the state with strong guarantees of editorial independence. Recommended measures include:

  • PKN Orlen should be required to immediately divest its media investments and state-controlled companies, outside of the public media framework, should be barred from owning media.
  • A media plurality test should be developed to measure the impact of transfers of ownership in the media market on pluralism and to guarantee media pluralism.
  • The government must guarantee a level economic playing field for all media and end practices that discriminate against, and create a negative investment climate for, private media operating independent of government.
  • Media should guarantee minimum levels of editorial independence and ethical standards that protect the newsroom from external interference and ensure journalistic integrity.

 

State support to media

  • The discriminatory use of state resources to manipulate the media market must end.
  • Public funds and state advertising must be distributed according to transparent, objective, proportionate, and non-discriminatory criteria through open, proportionate, and non-discriminatory procedures.
  • Annual reports should be issued on the distribution of all state advertising to media. This should include details of revenue from contracts with state bodies received by companies that belong to the same business grouping as media companies.
  • The awarding of all public contracts to companies whose beneficial owners also own media must be subject to particularly careful scrutiny and safeguards to ensure that the awarding of such contracts are not used to influence editorial content of those media.

 

Vexatious lawsuits

  • The judicial appointment procedure must be transparent and independent in practice and in line with European norms and standards.
  • The judiciary must be properly trained on the use of strategic lawsuits and mechanisms should be put in place allowing for the early dismissal of evidently vexatious cases and a requirement for claimants to cover the cost of proceedings in such instances.
  • Defamation must be decriminalized and become a matter for civil law only.
  • The government must end the sponsoring of self evidently vexatious lawsuits taken against media or other actors, for legitimate criticism and free expression.

Signed by:

  • ARTICLE 19 Europe
  • European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
  • European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
  • Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
  • International Press Institute (IPI)
  • OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)

This statement was coordinated by the Media Freedom Rapid Response (MFRR), a Europe-wide mechanism which tracks, monitors and responds to violations of press and media freedom in EU Member States and candidate countries. 

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